Public Law
Badie Fathi
Abstract
IntroductionThe rule of prior referral of cases in Iran is a common principle in procedural law applicable to civil, administrative, and criminal procedures. Grounded in the principles of celerity and good administration of justice, the rule of prior referral of cases states that if there is a connection ...
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IntroductionThe rule of prior referral of cases in Iran is a common principle in procedural law applicable to civil, administrative, and criminal procedures. Grounded in the principles of celerity and good administration of justice, the rule of prior referral of cases states that if there is a connection between cases being heard by two or more separate courts— such that it serves the interests of justice to investigate and adjudicate the case together—the second court must relinquish jurisdiction and refer the case to the first court or branch. If the same dispute is pending before two equally competent courts of the same level, the second court must also relinquish jurisdiction in favor of the other court if one of the parties requests it. Otherwise, the second court may do so ex officio. In French civil and administrative procedures, related cases are not necessarily sent to the primary branch but may be referred to one of the two branches or jurisdictions at the discretion of the decision-making authority. The present study aimed to address several key questions: What is the basis for the prior referral of cases in procedural law? How and when did this concept emerge in Iranian procedural law? What are the differences among civil, administrative, and criminal procedures in this context? Additionally, how does this rule apply when cases fall within a single jurisdiction or across two? The research also explored the differences between Iranian and French law regarding this rule, as well as any exceptions that may apply. Literature ReviewIt seems there is no significant research on the rule of prior referral in Iran and France. However, procedural law texts contain discussions on exceptions of lis pendens and connexity. Moreover, in a Persian article titled “The Effect of the Relationship of Actions in Civil Trials”, Hassan-Zadeh (2015) addresses related disputes. Materials and MethodsThe present study used a descriptive–analytical approach and a library research method. Results and Discussion The rule of prior referral of cases in Iran’s procedural law was established by judges before being incorporated into legal texts. Iran’s Civil Procedure Code adopted in 2000 refers to the rule of prior referral of cases only in Article 227. There are differing opinions within the legal doctrine. However, Article 89 of the Civil Procedure Code and Article 13 of the 2013 Family Protection Act outline the procedures for joining the cases. Concerning the administrative procedure, Article 51 of the 2011 Law of Administrative Court of Justice (with the amendments introduced in 2023) incorporates the rule of prior referral as a principle for joining related lawsuits. The criminal procedure, due to its distinct nature, takes a different approach to joining cases, with the rule of prior referral applied only in limited circumstances. In the French procedural law of 1975, the rule of prior referral is applied specifically in the exception of lis pendens (Article 100) and the exception of connexity, where the court president refers related cases to one of the branches based on specific circumstances and conditions. This can be referred to as the rule of referral appropriateness. In the French Civil Procedure Code, when there are two related cases in different jurisdictions, the decision made by the jurisdiction that declines to hear the case first is binding on the other jurisdiction. If this decision is appealed, the appellate court may transfer the related cases to any jurisdiction it considers appropriate for joint investigation and adjudication. If the exception of lis pendens arises, the jurisdiction will be selected based on the rule of prior referral of cases. In contrast, Iran’s civil and administrative procedure laws do not mention the transfer of related cases from the initial court to the appellate court. Additionally, the civil and administrative procedure laws do not address the authority of the appellate court to refer related cases without regard to the rule of prior referral. The legal doctrines have differing opinions in this respect. In the criminal procedure, the application of the rule of prior referral of cases has different provisions compared to civil and administrative procedures. Moreover, the rules governing the application of the rule of prior referral also differ significantly in the criminal procedures of Iran and France. ConclusionAccording to the findings, that the application of the rule of prior referral in Iranian law is more effective than the rule of referral appropriateness, particularly when considering the circumstances surrounding the cases and the principles of functionality and speed.
Public Law
Ayat Mulaee; Maedeh Soleymani Dinani
Abstract
Introduction
The constitution, as the supreme law of a nation, ensures the rule of law and citizens’ rights, protects human rights, and reduces the likelihood of arbitrary government actions. The establishment of the constitution is commonly considered the most effective means of upholding ...
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Introduction
The constitution, as the supreme law of a nation, ensures the rule of law and citizens’ rights, protects human rights, and reduces the likelihood of arbitrary government actions. The establishment of the constitution is commonly considered the most effective means of upholding constitutional values and protecting the individual’s fundamental rights. However, the absence of a written document of the constitution does not necessarily imply the absence of the rule of law or of the guarantee of human rights or even of control over government actions. Nor does it conclusively indicate the full implementation of constitutional principles and values in societies governed by a written constitution. Therefore, the concept of constitutional law and the associated principles extend beyond written documents. It is now recognized that the written constitution is not the sole authoritative source of constitutional norms. Yet going beyond legal formalism and embracing the institution of the unwritten constitution requires careful examination of its foundations and functions. Simply incorporating this concept without critical reflection on its origin and functions risks incomplete understanding. The contemporary conception of the constitution is imbued with its unwritten norms, so overlooking this aspect of any legal system results in a flawed understanding of the constitution. However, introducing ideas and concepts into the national legal system requires a thorough understanding of their origins and foundations, as well as the consideration of the feasibility of aligning domestic institutions with new concepts. Otherwise, newly introduced concepts may create a patchwork in political and legal structures, thus adversely affecting society and causing significant harm. To attain a precise understanding and prevent potential abuses, emerging concepts in public law, such as the unwritten constitution, must be rigorously analyzed and explored with an eye to their origin.
Upon closer analysis, it becomes clear that the concept of unwritten constitution is not boundless, but rather operates within a specific framework and scope. Failing to grasp the foundations of this concept and inadequately explaining it can lead to increased reliance on discretionary opinions, thus causing ambiguity over the nature of practices, procedures, and rules within the constitutional law system. Consequently, certain political practices or actions may erroneously be considered part of the constitution— albeit in an unwritten form—and subsequently legitimized by being foregrounded in the political arena. Concerning the unwritten constitution, there are some scholarly efforts to clarify and dispel ambiguity surrounding this concept, yet it remains relatively unexplored in the Iranian context. There is thus a need to examine the foundations of legitimacy of the unwritten constitution, and distinguish it from merely political and ephemeral principles, rules, and procedures. In this respect, the present study tried to gain a deeper understanding of the unwritten constitution as a legal institution, shedding light on its most significant foundations through description and analysis. It aimed to address the following research question: What is the origin and source of legitimacy of the principles, regulations, and norms that do not derive their authority from the text of the constitution but nonetheless underpin the rights and freedoms enshrined in the text?
Materials and Methods
As a descriptive–analytical inquiry, the present study used a library research method and note-taking to collect the data from different sources in order to examine the foundations of legitimacy of the unwritten constitution.
Results and Discussion
The research highlighted the necessity of a comprehensive understanding of the unwritten constitution, as a relatively nascent concept within Iran’s constitutional law system. Such an understanding would necessitate the examination of foundations of constitutional legitimacy and their analysis beyond the confines of the national constitutional framework. The approach or methodology employed in identifying the nature of the constitution plays a crucial role in narrowing down or broadening its scope and substance. For example, the formalist approach would focus on the structure and contents as delineated in the codified document, with the constitution being perceived as synonymous with its official, written provisions. The approach towards constitutional legitimacy can significantly influence both interpretation and implementation of the constitution. Therefore, adopting an extratextual approach and embracing the overarching concept of the constitution beyond its textual confines can open pathways to a broader scope of individual and public rights and freedoms.
Consider, for instance, the reason-based legitimacy approach, which rests upon the justice or efficacy of constitutional provisions. This approach bridges the divide between constitutional theory and practice, bolstering the legitimacy of unwritten principles and values. From this perspective, the constitution derives its validity and legitimacy not from its form nor the procedure of ratification, but rather from its substantive content and valuable objectives. Consequently, the legitimacy of the unwritten constitution rests upon the same fundamental principles and substance codified in the written constitution.
Across all legal systems, it is inevitable to acknowledge the presence of an additional layer of the unwritten law alongside the written one. Unwritten principles exert influence on the implementation of written regulations, thereby limiting or broadening their scope. In this context, it becomes crucial to delve into the foundational reasons underpinning the binding nature of the unwritten constitution. The binding nature is rooted in the substantive realization of the rule of law, reliance on the requirements of natural and human rights, as well as the roles of key judicial bodies and the public in acknowledging and endorsing true principles and values of the constitution. This can delineate the boundaries of the unwritten constitution.
Conclusion
It is thus necessary to take heed of the concept of the unwritten constitution and its status within any legal system. The failure to provide a proper explanation of this concept can lead to increased discretionary opinions and decisions, thus causing ambiguity over the nature of practices, procedures, and rules within the constitutional law system. There is a risk that certain practices or official statements, when foregrounded in the political arena, might erroneously be perceived as integral components of the unwritten constitution, thereby gaining undue prominence.
Public Law
Mojtaba Ghasemi; Hasan Johari
Abstract
Introduction
Pension funds play a crucial role in Iran by providing retirement provisions through paying pension benefits to retirees and their eligible survivors. However, the pension funds currently experience a critical situation due to a significant disparity between their financial resources ...
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Introduction
Pension funds play a crucial role in Iran by providing retirement provisions through paying pension benefits to retirees and their eligible survivors. However, the pension funds currently experience a critical situation due to a significant disparity between their financial resources and pension liabilities. This crisis stems from several factors, including the generosity of pension programs (in terms of retirement age and conditions and scope of support for survivors), demographic changes, and increased life expectancy leading to more pensioners and fewer contributors. Additionally, the challenges such as low returns on investment; transference of loss-making enterprises to the funds in order to settle government debts; and structural, governance, and management issues have exacerbated the situation.
In fact, the primary factor contributing to the current crisis is the inefficiency of laws and regulations governing the Social Security Organization (SSO) and the Civil Servant Pension Fund (CSPF). The existing regulations on the governance of pension funds have changed the government’s role from regulator and guarantor to an intervening party. Consequently, most fund managers are appointed by the government, which sidelines beneficiaries and stakeholders from the governance process. Such a governmental structure, coupled with the lack of stakeholder involvement, exacerbates the problem of representation arising from the separation of ownership and management. This issue manifests itself not only in the traditional form but also in the political form.
To address the problem of representation in pension funds requires supervision and increased stakeholder participation in fund management in order to enhance transparency, accountability, and managerial accountability. Therefore, it is crucial to revise laws and regulations to empower stakeholders’ role in the administration of pension funds. In this respect, the present study aimed to analyze the deficiencies in the laws and regulations on the governance and management of pension funds in Iran through the lens of corporate governance principles and mechanisms.
Literature Review
The regulations on the governance and management of pension funds play a crucial role in their performance. Establishing procedures and processes that promote good governance in pension funds can significantly contribute to the prevention and resolution of the current crisis. In this respect, corporate governance and its principles and mechanisms can serve as a vital tool for assessing the governance and management of pension funds. Pension funds in Iran, particularly SSO and CSPF, lack indicators of good governance in line with the corporate governance principles. The stakeholder involvement in company management, a fundamental right contributing to the mitigation of representation problems, is largely absent from the governance structure of Iran’s pension funds. Moreover, there are no legal requirements mandating transparency and reporting of the performance of pension fund managers. Additionally, the failure to recognize managers’ legal responsibility for their decisions, often influenced by their political affiliations, exacerbates the lack of accountability on the part of managers.
Materials and Methods
The present study used a descriptive–analytical method to address the research questions.
Conclusion
Considering the corporate governance mechanisms, Iranian pension funds (esp. SSO and CSPF) lack optimal conditions. The independence of the board of directors, a crucial aspect of corporate governance aimed at achieving its goals and principles, is fundamentally absent in Iranian pension funds. Moreover, the supervisory structure of pension funds fails to consider tripartism and the role of stakeholders. In addition, the absence of independent audit and actuarial committees within the supervisory framework severely undermines its effectiveness.
The Audit Organization is tasked with auditing pension funds as per Paragraph (d) of Article (17) of Act on Structure of Welfare and Social Security Comprehensive System. However, the Audit Organization lacks the necessary independence and impartiality due to its governmental affiliation. Furthermore, the absence of official actuarial mechanisms to calculate the resources and liabilities of the funds, their exclusion from the establishment of rules and regulations related to fund liabilities, and the lack of public disclosure of report results to stakeholders and beneficiaries all have contributed to increased pension liabilities and financial instability of Iranian pension funds.
Public Law
Ali Reza Nasrollahi; Mostafa Mansourian
Abstract
Introduction
The concept of public rights is commonly understood as the rights of the general public. However, when scrutinized more closely, this notion becomes somewhat ambiguous, leading to questions and disagreements among legal doctrines and jurists. This ambiguity revolves around the precise ...
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Introduction
The concept of public rights is commonly understood as the rights of the general public. However, when scrutinized more closely, this notion becomes somewhat ambiguous, leading to questions and disagreements among legal doctrines and jurists. This ambiguity revolves around the precise definition of the term, its instances, and its scope, such as whether it pertains solely to criminal law or extends to non-criminal law. Examining the scope of public rights reveals numerous and sometimes conflicting interpretations. Legal and judicial opinions on the scope of public rights generally fall into two general yet conflicting approaches, namely narrow and broad. Given the divergent viewpoints, it is crucial to adopt a valid interpretive approach within the legal system to establish a systematic framework aimed at reaching an understanding. Objective consequentialism, as a normative-based interpretive method, serves as a valuable theoretical tool for evaluating these approaches. In this line, the present study sought to address the following research question: Which of the two approaches, narrow or broad, to the scope of public rights is deemed acceptable from the perspective of objective consequentialism?
Literature Review
Legal and judicial opinions concerning public rights can generally be categorized into two competing approaches. On one hand, there are viewpoints advocating for a narrow interpretation, which suggests limiting the scope of public rights in times of uncertainty. On the other hand, there are perspectives that advocate for a broader understanding of public rights, incorporating a wider range of interpretations and instances. Although there is no coherent and methodical discussion on this matter in legal literature thus far, various schools of legal interpretation have debated different methods, such as objective consequentialism. In objective consequentialism, the focus lies on discerning the purpose of the law, so the interpreter, whether a judge or a lawyer, seeks to deduce the purpose of the law from the text itself and other relevant sources. Subsequently, they interpret provisions of the law in light of the general purpose. In this method, justification for interpretation is grounded on the objective purpose behind establishing the rule. The purpose of the law can be inferred from the very text of the law, including its title, preamble, or relevant chapters. Furthermore, the purpose may be predestined or assumed, with implications being inferred through logical or judicious readings of the text of the law—based on the premise that the legislator is judicious. Therefore, it is assumed that the legislator has intended for legal provisions to have meaningful effects rather than being rendered null or futile. Objective consequentialism seeks to uncover the underlying purpose behind a given law or provision.
Materials and Methods
The present study relied on objective consequentialism, which is an interpretive method based on the normative ground, in order to evaluate the two approaches concerning the scope of pubic rights. The study aimed to address the following research question: Which of the two approaches, narrow or broad, to the scope of public rights is deemed acceptable from the perspective of objective consequentialism?
Results and Discussion
According to objective consequentialism, fostering a broad understanding of the concept of public rights while maintaining a systematic view of functions of the judiciary body can result in an appropriately balanced understanding aimed at claiming public rights. The present study synthesized the opinions sharing a common essence and overarching direction, discussing the existing legal approaches regarding the scope of public rights. Additionally, considering the principles of the Constitution, a hypothesis (called the conceptual approach derived from purposiveness) was formulated and tested about the distinction between the scope of public rights—as outlined in the Constitution—and the restoration of public rights. The scope of public rights can be either narrowed or expanded, considering the purpose of the law and of justice outlined in each instance, as well as the implications derived from a judicious interpretation of the law.
Conclusion
Public rights can be re-evaluated with an eye to the purpose of the law, hence interpreted as rights and interests arising from the objective goal of the law. In this light, the scope of public rights becomes meaningful considering the purpose of the law, the justice it guarantees in each instance, and the implications stemming from the judicious interpretation of the law. Therefore, there two central points here: rights (the conceptual standpoint) and the negation of oppression and injustice (the functional standpoint). From the conceptual standpoint, public rights extend to legal rights. Yet the functional standpoint would include those instances of rights that have been or are about to be unjustly taken away from their rightful owners, making it impossible for the beneficiaries (whether individuals or groups) to reclaim them.
Public Law
Seyedeh Zahra Saeid
Abstract
IntroductionIn most political systems, parliaments or legislative assemblies play a crucial role in government formation. Oftentimes, the agreement or disagreement within the legislative assembly can determine the success or failure of government formation. Disagreements may either result in the failure ...
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IntroductionIn most political systems, parliaments or legislative assemblies play a crucial role in government formation. Oftentimes, the agreement or disagreement within the legislative assembly can determine the success or failure of government formation. Disagreements may either result in the failure to form a government or simply delay its formation. In the former scenario, parliamentary supremacy dictates that disagreement within the parliament may necessitate a re-election. In the latter scenario, while the government maintains authority given its legal status, it may have to compromise on its preferences to avoid the delayed government formation. The investiture vote or vote of confidence, as a legal institution, typically characterizes the first situation in parliamentary and semi-presidential systems, whereas the appointment confirmation process mirrors the second scenario in presidential systems.Articles (87) and (133) of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) address the investiture vote or vote of confidence. As stipulated in Article (87), “The President must obtain, for the Council of Ministers, after being formed and before all other business, a vote of confidence from the Assembly.” According to Article (133),Ministers will be appointed by the President and will be presented to the Assembly for a vote of confidence. With the change of Assembly, a new vote of confidence will not be necessary. The number of Ministers and the jurisdiction of each will be determined by law.These articles mandate that the government must obtain an investiture vote from the Islamic Consultative Assembly. At first glance, it may appear that the investiture vote outlined in the Constitution seems to be similar to the specific institution of investiture vote in parliamentary and semi-presidential systems. However, a comparative analysis reveals nuanced differences. In this respect, the present research aimed to address the following research questions: What legal role does the Islamic Consultative Assembly play in government formation as stated in the Constitution? In other words, does the concept of investiture vote in the Constitution of the IRI align with its specialized usage in parliamentary and semi-presidential systems? The study is based on the hypothesis that there are some distinctions between the investiture vote in the Constitution of the IRI and its counterparts in parliamentary and semi-presidential systems. Literature ReviewA brief analysis of the nature of the investiture vote can be found in a recent article titled “The Parliamentary or Presidential Nature of the Vote of Confidence to the Council of Ministers in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran” (Taghizadeh & Taghizadeh-Chari, 2022). The present study not only confirmed the conclusions of the aforementioned article but also delved into the nature of the investiture vote outlined in the Constitution in more details by identifying the components inherent in the investiture vote and the appointment confirmation process. Materials and MethodsThe present study employed a critical–analytical approach to examine the nature of investiture vote in the Constitution of the IRI and the distinctions between the investiture vote in Iran and analogous processes in other political systems. Results and DiscussionThe findings of the study revealed three important points. First, in parliamentary and semi-presidential systems, the investiture vote typically concerns three categories: the entire composition of the cabinet, the head of government, or the government’s program. Different countries based on parliamentary and semi-presidential systems may adopt varying formats of investiture vote, accepting one category or all the three in their legal systems. However, the appointment confirmation process is conducted on an individual basis, focusing on each cabinet member separately. While the Constitution of the IRI refers to the entire composition of the cabinet for the investiture vote, practical challenges necessitate an individual format, thus aligning it more closely with the appointment confirmation process. Second, in parliamentary and semi-presidential systems, it is necessary that the government be aligned with the parliamentary majority. Consequently, in case of changes in members of parliament, the government must seek a new investiture vote. This reflects the political context of the investiture vote as a legal institution. In the appointment confirmation process, however, the government’s political alignment with the legislative majority is not obligatory. Instead, the qualification of cabinet members in such systems is primarily based on their competence, resumes, and experiences. Article (133) of the Constitution of the IRI states that the government is not obliged to seek an investiture vote in the event of changes of Assembly. This stipulation, along with the procedure undertaken by members of parliament to scrutinize the qualifications of cabinet members, points towards a non-political context surrounding the investiture vote and its similarity to the appointment confirmation process.Third, in parliamentary systems, the failure to obtain an investiture vote prevents the formation of government. In some countries, successive failures in securing the investiture vote may lead to the dissolution of parliament. However, in presidential systems, if the president fails to garner the consent of the senate, alternative secretaries may be introduced, ultimately resulting in the formation of the government albeit with a delay. Similarly, in the IRI, the failure to secure an investiture vote does not obstruct the establishment of the government; rather, it simply prolongs the process, potentially leading the president to compromise on proposed ministers in order to expedite government formation. Furthermore, the constitutional requirement to seek an investiture vote for a minister who is removed or resigns, as well as the presidential directive to individually appoint ministers, further emphasizes the resemblance between the investiture vote in the IRI and the appointment confirmation process in presidential systems. ConclusionAs a conclusion, it seems that the investiture vote in the Constitutional of the IRI bears greater resemblance to the appointment confirmation process observed in presidential systems.
Public Law
Javad Yahyazadeh; Mohammad Mohammadi Gorgani
Abstract
Introduction
Universalism stands as a cornerstone in the realm of human rights, representing both a fundamental and contentious principle. Its significance lies in being foundational, shaping the minimal framework of international human rights law and influencing various international documents and ...
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Introduction
Universalism stands as a cornerstone in the realm of human rights, representing both a fundamental and contentious principle. Its significance lies in being foundational, shaping the minimal framework of international human rights law and influencing various international documents and declarations. However, it also sparks controversy due to the fact that human rights often reflect a specific perspective, rooted in the modern, liberal, democratic, and secular traditions of the West. It can be argued that constitutionalism, the prevailing paradigm in contemporary legal systems, is an accomplishment resulting from the historical evolution of the conceptof right, human experiences during the Age of Enlightenment, and, notably, the technological advancements spurred by the Industrial Revolution in the West.
Nonetheless, constitutionalism confronts substantial challenges in the contemporary era. For example, unamendable rules are the institution acknowledged in most constitutions. Noteworthy instances include the recognition of human dignity in Germany, republicanism and secularism in France, theocracy in Iran and Afghanistan, the separation of powers in Greece, territorial integrity in Madagascar, and political pluralism in Portugal and Romania. In “Constitutional Handcuffs,” Richard Albert, a preeminent scholar in this field, states: “The advent of the written constitution has given rise to an enduring tension in constitutional statecraft pitting constitutionalism against democracy” (2017, p. 18). However, the constitutional unamendability, facilitated through entrenchment clauses, entails the freezing of certain constitutional articles or fundamental values, potentially sidelining democratic principles and popular choice.
The present study aimed to explore the relation between constitutional unamendability and the universal values of human rights. The pivotal question revolves around whether constitutional designers have the authority to shield any value from popular amendment, potentially compromising democracy to a significant extent. The acknowledgment of a relation between the universal values in human rights and the incorporation of unamendability in the constitution would imply that constitutional designers are only allowed to entrench the universal values by superconstitutional provisions, thus imposing restrictions on democracy.
Literature Review
There are significant contributions about universality of human rights and unamendable constitutional rules. Notable among these are: the book titled Contemporary Human Rights written in Persian by Mohammad Qari Seyed Fatemi and the English paper titled “Origins and Universality in the Human Rights Debates: Cultural Essentialism and the Challenge of Globalization” by Michel Goodhart (2003). Richard Albert’s outstanding book titled Constitutional Amendments: Making, Breaking, and Changing Constitutions (2019) also serves as a key reference about constitutional unamendability. Despite these valuable contributions, there remains a gap in research concerning the relation between universalism of human rights and constitutional unamendability. Furthermore, it seems there is not a serious study addressing the approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this regard. Consequently, the present article stands as an innovative endeavor, as it seeks to delve into the unexplored relation and sheds light on the unique perspective of the constitutional designers in the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Materials and Methods
This study falls within the category of normative legal research. Normative legal theory seeks to offer a pure, self-sufficient explanation of the law, analyzing values, concepts, principles, rules, models, and argumentations in the legal doctrine. In this line, the present analysis relied on relevant theories and doctrines to examine the relation between universalism of human rights and constitutional unamendability.
Results and Discussion
The origins of the emergence of universalism principle in contemporary human rights can be traced back to the profound debates between two trends in philosophy and ethics: deontological ethics and utilitarianism. In Kant’s philosophy, the concept of right is articulated in a manner synonymous with human rights, warranting the characterization of Kant’s philosophy as a philosophy of human rights in the exact sense of the word. Kant ascribes a transcendental status to morality, giving rise to the notions of transcendental human and universal human rights. According to Kant, moral rules grounded in duty possess absolute generality akin to natural laws; in other words, they cannot be taken as exceptions. This is where Kant introduces the concept of the absolute in his philosophy. His most explicit proposition in this context was formulated as follows: “Act only in accordance with that maxim through which you can at the same time will that it become a universal law”.
Nevertheless, the philosophical perspective of utilitarianism challenges Kant’s approach and presents thoughtful criticisms. Hegel, for instance, underscored the formal and abstract character of Kant’s philosophy, contending that social ethics finds no place in Kant’s intellectual framework. Hegel acknowledged the impracticality of Kant's philosophy, asserting its incapacity to formulate practical rules. Drawing from philosophical hermeneutics, Gadamer similarly scrutinized Kant’s concept of the absolute and his idea of universalizability. Gadamer actually placed emphasis on the spatiotemporal understanding of humanity and regarded a transhistorical and transgeographical understanding as, at the very least, contentious.
Moreover, unamendable constitutional rules are those roles that are by no means subject to modification and change as understood by the founders of a given legal–political system. Essentially, the only way to amend these rules involves a fundamental transformation in the nature and foundational values of the legal–political regime. As evident, there exist shared principles regarding the substance of unamendable constitutional rules in progressive legal systems, all converging on the central notion that values emanating from constitutionalism and universalism should be entrenched and safeguarded against amendment.
Conclusion
According to the research findings, acknowledging the universality of human rights hinges on recognizing the unique nature of the human and its capacity for transhistorical and transcultural thinking. Additionally, unamendable constitutional rules, as a pivotal aspect of the constitution, pose a significant challenge to constitutionalism. Aimed at safeguarding the achievements of constitutionalism, these rules restrict citizens from exercising their right to self-determination. Examples of such rules include human dignity, fundamental rights, democracy, separation of powers, and political and religious pluralism. The present research indicated that unamendable constitutional rules in modern constitutions are the logical-cum-historical consequence of the principle of universalism, all sharing common core elements. Consequently, global constitutions are not allowed to define the content of unamendable constitutional rules as contradictory to the values of constitutionalism and universalism. This phenomenon has propelled a shift towards transnational constitutionalism. Furthermore, the research findings shed light on the approach of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Article (177), in a contradictory and somewhat paradoxical stance, acknowledges certain core elements of unamendable constitutional rules aligned with the principle of universalism. Meanwhile, it recognizes several subjects, which diverge from universalism, given their distinct intrareligious and intralegal values. This inevitably necessitates efforts towards amendments and integration, propelling a move towards transnational constitutionalism.
Keywords: Universalism of Human Rights, Unamendable Constitutional Rules, Transnational Constitutionalism
Public Law
Mohammad Bahadori Jahromi; Hamid Feli; Mahdi Ebrahimi
Abstract
IntroductionThe Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, particularly Principle (4), puts the emphasis on upholding Islamic standards in all legal norms. However, a priori sharia supervision over parliamentary approvals shall be exercised by the faqihs (Islamic jurists) of the Guardian Council ...
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IntroductionThe Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, particularly Principle (4), puts the emphasis on upholding Islamic standards in all legal norms. However, a priori sharia supervision over parliamentary approvals shall be exercised by the faqihs (Islamic jurists) of the Guardian Council concerning the specific laws outlined in Principles (94), (95), and (96) of the Constitution. Other approvals, notably the regulations specified in Principle (4), lack constitutional provision. To ensure optimal implementation of Principle (4), there is a need for an effective mechanism that can guarantee adherence to Sharia standards in regulations. The current Sharia-based supervision mechanism is executed through the Court of Administrative Justice, but this approach has several shortcomings. First, it does not ensure Sharia compliance for all regulations since it is not comprehensive, only addressing the contested aspect of regulations. Moreover, regulations may possess significant importance based on inclusion, hierarchy of legal norms, authority level, and their impact on citizens’ rights and duties, leading to prolonged violations of citizens’ rights even when there are no complaints. In this respect, the present research aimed to examine the feasibility of establishing a mechanism for a priori Sharia supervision over key regulations, addressing the challenges associated with its implementation. The study is based on the hypothesis that there are factors favoring a priori Sharia supervision over other types of monitoring when it comes to some aspects of regulations. Although most challenges are manageable, certain challenges make it both desirable and achievable to implement such a mechanism. Literature ReviewThe literature has offered solutions, suggesting the mandatory submission of government regulations and approvals from the Supreme Council of Cultural Revolution to the Guardian Council before their implementation—which can ensure supervision over regulations from both a Sharia and constitutional perspective (e.g., Amjadian, 2012; Haji Ali Khamseh et al., 2021). Another proposed solution involves the establishment of boards specialized in Islamic jurisprudence and legal matters, overseen by the Guardian Council faqihs tasked with proactive monitoring subsequent to the enactment of regulations (Fe’li, 2020). The novelty of the present study lies in its detailed analysis of the feasibility and challenges associated with a priori Sharia supervision over regulations. Materials and MethodsThe study relied on a descriptive–analytical method, using library research to collect and analyze the data. Results and DiscussionA priori Sharia supervision over regulations can viably be applied after the regulations are approved and before they take effect—similar to the supervision over Majlis approvals. A priori Sharia supervision is more aligned with the objective of Principle (4) of the Constitution, so it is favored over other forms of supervision, especially retrospective supervision. Furthermore, it is essential that Sharia-based supervision be applied in advance or a priori to the implementation, at least for critical regulations that are not subject to appeal in the Court of Administrative Justice. Moreover, for the sake of legal security of citizens and the prevention of rights violations, a priori supervision is preferable over alternative types of monitoring because it is difficult to claim and restore the rights of citizens that might have been infringed upon in the past, especially if regulations are retroactively annulled long after their implementation. ConclusionThe challenges related to the principles of continuity and acceleration in delivering public services do not pose a significant obstacle to a priori Sharia supervision because it is feasible to set a deadline for expressing opinions and the Guardian Council faqihs have opinions aimed at guaranteeing these principles. Furthermore, certain regulations that are not allowed to be delayed in their approval and implementation can exceptionally be subjected to Sharia supervision outside a priori Sharia supervision mechanism. It is plausible that the structure and organization of the Guardian Council may not be entirely conducive or equipped to implement such a mechanism, given the unique responsibilities of the faqihs. However, it can be limited to a priori Sharia supervision of critical regulations, and it is not challenging as such, given the reforms aimed at reducing the Court of Administrative Justice’s inquiries from the Council (e.g., the ability to refer to the procedure of the Council’s faqihs in similar cases), and a comprehensive revision of the Council’s organization to lay the ground for a priori Sharia supervision. Additionally, the Head of the Judiciary and the President of the Court can notify the Guardian Council faqihs of cases conflicting with Sharia in order to eliminate the structural defects of the Guardian Council that render it incompatible with supervising important regulations. It is worth noting that Note (1) of Article (87) of the Law of the Court of Administrative Justice (1402/2023) also lays the groundwork for establishing a suitable structure for Sharia supervision over regulations.
Public Law
Mahdi Moradi Berelian; Mohammad Ghsem Tangestani
Abstract
IntroductionIn recent decades, significant advancements in biomedicine have paved the way for the establishment of biobanks, serving as repositories for individual samples crucial in biological research. These samples are instrumental in identifying genetic diseases and developing appropriate treatments. ...
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IntroductionIn recent decades, significant advancements in biomedicine have paved the way for the establishment of biobanks, serving as repositories for individual samples crucial in biological research. These samples are instrumental in identifying genetic diseases and developing appropriate treatments. Nevertheless, a pivotal concern within the domain of public law revolves around how governments address the challenges posed by biobanks and institute the necessary regulatory frameworks. Different legal systems adopt different models of biobank governance. Some legal systems have enacted specific laws, while others have embraced a combination of self-regulation and general government rules. As biobanks continue to expand, a novel form of governance is emerging, wherein biobanks wield influence over political decisions. The present study aimed to examine how Iran’s legal system regulates biobanks and navigates the associated challenges, including the absence of a comprehensive act and the multiplicity of regulatory norms and bodies. These distinctive characteristics may have impacts on transparency, efficiency, accountability, and the establishment of clear-cut mechanisms for sample collection, sample access, and data protection. Focusing on Iran’s legal system, the study addressed the following research questions: What is the model for management of biobanks and their interactions with the government in the legal systems under study? What are the defining characteristics of the regulation of biobanks in Iran’s legal system? What challenges exist in this field, and what potential solutions can be proposed to address them?Literature ReviewPersian literature includes several articles that touch upon this topic, yet they neither provide a comprehensive examination of the regulatory model nor analyze the topic within the context of Iran’s legal system. Instead, they predominantly concentrate on the ethical challenges posed by biobanks.Materials and MethodsEmploying a descriptive–analytical research method, the study relied on library and Internet sources to offer a description of biobanks and delineate their characteristics and various types, while conducting an analysis of selected legal systems to identify models of biobank governance. As a case study, the research meticulously evaluated all laws and regulations pertaining to biobanks within Iran’s legal system. Drawing upon the results of a comparative analysis, it analyzed the regulatory model for biobanks in Iran as well as its challenges.Results and DiscussionThe advancements in biomedical knowledge and the establishment of banks for storing human tissue and genes represent significant achievements as well as challenges for the modern state. The challenges arisen from legal, ethical, security, and commercial considerations associated with the collection and storage of human samples, donor consent, and privacy and data protection all have elevated the regulatory role of the state to a new and specialized level. Traditional laws and rules (e.g., public law, civil law, private ownership, privacy and even penal norms) certainly fall short of providing adequate solutions to the challenges arising from biobanking. Biobanks should be considered as emerging and complex objects of state governance. To deal with this complexity, some governments have adopted a model of regulation in order to design a comprehensive legal framework inclusive of (non-)institutional mechanisms concerning the regulation of biobanking. The adoption of the model assumes large-scale, governmental management capabilities to strike a balance between public interests, individual rights, and commercial interests resulting from biobanking; create integration and transparency in biobanking; and ensure public accountability in this regard. Alternatively, some other governments have opted for decentralized monitoring of biobanks by relying on self-regulatory mechanisms that are mostly based on the norms and principles set by non-governmental institutions as well as a few governmental regulations. The decentralized, self-regulatory approach may lack transparency and public accountability but offer adaptability to the rapid transformations in biotechnology, avoiding issues related to macro-bureaucratic governmental management. In any case, effective governance of biobanks requires appropriate methods to address the multifaceted challenges.ConclusionThe establishment and development of biobanks have ushered in a new era of bio-politics, focusing on individual dissected body parts rather than the body as a whole. Biobanks actively shape biological policies, functioning as subjects of governance rather than passive objects. It seems that ensuring effective network governance and safeguarding public rights and interests require a delicate balance between integrated regulation through legislative norms and self-regulation mechanisms. Governments must strike this balance to play a pivotal role in navigating network governance and guaranteeing its essential functions. Relying solely on integrated regulation through legislative norms can result in an inflexible governance structure that struggles to adapt to changing nature of biomedicine and biobanking. However, certain aspects of biobanking activities must be regulated to ensure efficiency, secure public interests, and maintain accountability while incorporating self-regulatory mechanisms going on in the non-governmental sector.In Iran’s legal system, which is relatively young in the realm of biobanking with a history of less than two decades, biobank governance tends to align more with the model of governmental regulation. However, the Iranian legislator has not introduced specific regulations on banks of human samples. A set of laws, regulations, and documents established by various government agencies, primarily addressing banks of non-human samples, reflects a fragmented and mosaic-like regulatory framework. This approach has not delivered the anticipated benefits of large-scale, governmental management of biobanks, such as transparency, accountability, and the implementation of specific mechanisms related to collecting samples, safeguarding individual rights and privacy, and managing legal and ethical challenges.The legislative body is expected to define general principles and rules for collecting and using human samples, striking a balance between various competing interests. However, due to the specialized nature of the regulated field and limitations related to the legislator’s technical capacity, delving into intricate details may not be a reasonable expectation. It is essential to entrust the detailed regulation to executive statutes or independent specialized bodies.
Public Law
Mohammad Mohseni Rad; Ali Akbar Gorji Azandariani
Abstract
IntroductionLegal system is a legal concept that has been addressed less directly, except in a few cases. Legal order and later on legal system were initially introduced into legal literature by German jurists. In the first half of the 19th century, scholars of public law in Germany pioneered the discussion ...
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IntroductionLegal system is a legal concept that has been addressed less directly, except in a few cases. Legal order and later on legal system were initially introduced into legal literature by German jurists. In the first half of the 19th century, scholars of public law in Germany pioneered the discussion on the concept of legal order, influenced by the philosophies of their predecessors, namely Kant and Hegel. Similarly, the concept of a legal system, denoting an organic and systematic set of rules, emerged concurrently with the concept of the rule of law in the scholarship on law. The concurrent emergence suggests that the prerequisite for the existence of a legal system is the prior establishment of the rule of law. In all likelihood, the concept of a legal system had held more significance for scholars in private international law, whose aim was to elucidate how the rules of one system could be applied in another. Therefore, recognizing the concept of a legal system seemed to be a precursor to delving into the core discussion of international law. Later on, the concept of a legal system fell into neglect and received scant attention until it regained its importance during the 20th century. However, the revival did not stem from the inherent significance of the legal system itself, but rather from a debate between positivists and anti-positivists regarding the concept of law. Neither Hart nor Fuller—as the great figures of positivism and anti-positivism, respectively—explicitly referred to something as of legal system; however, their formulation and theorization would inevitably end up in the concept of a legal system. In any case, legal system can be viewed as a cohesive set of all elements that significantly contribute to establishing the rights governing the life and functioning of any human society.In this respect, the present study aimed to investigate the nature of the concept of a legal system by addressing the following questions: Why is the concept of a legal system important to us? What is a legal system? What are its defining characteristics and constitutive components? How are the components intertwined? and What kind of relationship does the legal system impose on its internal environment? It is presupposed that a precise conceptual definition of legal system is essential to understand the relevance between ethics and the legal system. Accurate identification of constituent elements of the legal system, as well as a careful examination of the criteria for the system’s validity, are crucial steps to gain insight into the relationship between ethics and the legal system. Literature ReviewAs the legal system consists of a set of laws, understanding the legal system requires a detailed analysis of the nature of law. It is thus crucial to note that any conceptualization of law significantly influences the understanding of the legal system. In the literature on legal studies in Iran, it seems that that there is a dearth of research concerning the conceptual and philosophical definition of legal system. The concept of a legal system and its related notions have not been a focal point for Iranian jurists. Although a few significant translated works deal with the concept of law, there is no independent research specifically dedicated to the concept of a legal system. In the non-Iranian context, the English-language literature includes notable works published in the early 70s, such as The Concept of a Legal System by Raz (1970) and Normative Systems by Alchourron and Bulygin (1971).The concept of law, as a normative-cum-institutional system, has become a battleground for positivist and non-positivist doctrines. The discussions on the existence, elements, and purpose of the law form an integral part of the analysis of the concept of a legal system, with each jurist and scholar interpreting it based on their theoretical perspective. In general, a legal system is deemed to exist when its laws do exit. Therefore, to understand the legal system requires a keen understanding of the conditions under which the law exists. Materials and MethodsThe present research employed a descriptive, analytical, and conceptual methodology, relying on library research and internet resources to collect the data. ConclusionIn light of the research findings, it seems that the study of the theory of a legal system is still in its early stages, for neither the nature of associated issues nor its significance has been recognized and understood. The research highlighted that understanding the nature of law requires an understanding of the internal relationships among laws, emphasizing that every law is necessarily linked to a legal system. In summary, it appears that the analytical theory of a legal system suffers from two shortcomings. First, it neglects the problematic issue of content, thus offering an inadequate explanation of the legal system’s dynamics. Therefore, such a theory needs to be complemented by ethical considerations. Second, this doctrine falls short in giving adequate attention to all constituent elements of the legal system.
Public Law
Seyed Naser Soltani; Faezeh Salimzadeh Kakroudi
Abstract
IntroductionConstitutions hold the status of being national treasures, cherished for their intrinsic value and their material significance. Prior to the formal inscription of written constitutional texts, foundational principles often took shape in the guise of established customs. Yet, the passage ...
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IntroductionConstitutions hold the status of being national treasures, cherished for their intrinsic value and their material significance. Prior to the formal inscription of written constitutional texts, foundational principles often took shape in the guise of established customs. Yet, the passage of time has highlighted the constraints of fixed principles when confronted with the dynamic demands of evolving societies and emerging generations. Should these principles fail to evolve in sync with contemporary concerns, even the most meticulously crafted written constitution risks becoming an archaic relic, relegated to obscurity on library shelves. Constitution Revision functions as an equilibrium between the twin poles of stability and transformation. It serves as a counterbalance that wards against the pitfalls of constitutional instability and ceaseless amendment, while simultaneously safeguarding the elasticity that codified principles. need to accommodate evolving circumstances The concept of constitutional revision is mentioned in the texts of codified constitutions in many legal systems. However, unwritten constitutional adjustments and revisions remain. Notably, in Iran, the interplay of customary transformations alongside formal amendments revealed an intriguing omission—namely, the absence of explicit reference to constitutional revision in the face of shifting societal paradigms. A parallel scenario arose post-Islamic Revolution when the developing Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran neglected to incorporate a provision for the revision of its textual framework. Only after the decree of Ayatollah Khomeini (RA) was the principle of revision formally enshrined within the constitution's text. Yet, despite this articulation, after more than three decades this principle still lays dormant. Simultaneously, in reality and practice, there have been undeniable modifications to the implementation and utilization of certain constitutional principles, alluding to a state of "unofficial" revision that contrasts with the structured processes outlined in the Constitution. The Comprehensive Nature of Constitutional ChangeA constitution, despite its comprehensive purview, seldom possesses the capacity to encapsulate the entirety of a political system. Irrespective of its encompassment of legal principles, even the most autocratic or democratic political framework grapples with the challenge of reflecting the evolving tapestry of political changes within the confines of a constitution. In instances where a nation's constitution remains ostensibly unaltered over prolonged periods, the possibility of a subtle, unwritten evolution looms large. This article tries to elucidate the framework of informal constitutional modification through established customs. Drawing from historical precedents predating the Islamic Revolution, as well as post-revolution occurrences, alongside a comparative exploration of revision experiences in global jurisdictions, the article embarks on a quest to address the central query: Can the constitution undergo revision by way of constitutional customs? Research BackgroundRegarding unwritten constitutional principles, the specific concept of constitutional revision remains shrouded in relative obscurity, with an absence of comprehensive articles or treatises delving into its intricacies. Iranian legal scholars, while contributing to the discourse surrounding formal revision within the constitution, have largely overlooked its informal, customary dimensions. MethodologyThis article embraces a descriptive-analytical methodology, an approach that holistically examines the subject matter in both its historical and contextual dimensions. The descriptive aspect entails a meticulous dissection of the historical progression of unwritten constitutional revision, tracing its evolution from pre-revolutionary times to the contemporary landscape. This chronological expedition provides invaluable insights into the genesis, evolution, and possible trajectories of unwritten revision. on the other hand, the analytical dimension engages in cross-examination of these historical occurrences, thereby identifying patterns, disparities, and commonalities that serve to shed light on the possibilities of informal constitutional change. This dual-method approach fosters a comprehensive comprehension of the subject matter by situating it within both its historical and contemporary setting. ConclusionAmendment and review of legal statutes are an essential part of societal development. The underlying philosophy of legislative endeavors centers on catering to societal needs, and as long as these needs persist, the volume of legal regulations inevitably increases. However, refinement and revision of existing laws rather than a sheer accumulation of statutes is an astute strategy. While the process of altering a constitution is inherently intricate, at its core, it is a form of legislation that demands responsiveness to contemporary demands. When textual revisions are hindered or fall short of aligning with the evolving demands, customary revision acts as a potential alternative. The identification and utilization of foundational customs play a pivotal role in the process of constitutional amendment. Nonetheless, caution must be exercised to prevent the misuse of these customs as tools for political manipulation. These fundamental customs, when synchronized with the tenets of governmental institutions, political actions, and the constitution's fundamental spirit, can facilitate the refinement and adaptation of core legal texts. The ambit of their influence, however, is subject to the limits and powers of governmental bodies and political actions. However, they cannot overrule the individual liberties enshrined within the constitution. In essence, these customs should function as instruments of societal progress in harmony with prevailing needs, rather than mechanisms for advancing political agendas.
Public Law
Fardin Moradkhani
Abstract
IntroductionAlthough Hannah Arendt cannot be called a theorist of constitutional law, her brilliant reflections on some legal concepts have given her thought a special dimension. She, who was always interested in the public domain and political thought issues, realized the importance of some legal concepts, ...
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IntroductionAlthough Hannah Arendt cannot be called a theorist of constitutional law, her brilliant reflections on some legal concepts have given her thought a special dimension. She, who was always interested in the public domain and political thought issues, realized the importance of some legal concepts, especially constitutional law. Constituent power and constitution are two important concepts in Arendt's thinking. Arendt's distinctions between the American and French revolutions are actually a way to understand the Constitution and the Constituent power in her thoughts. Knowledge of law and legal concepts also have an important place in Arendt's thought. It is necessary to deal with these researches for several reasons; these studies link legal issues to political and philosophical ideas, help advance matters related to the theories of constitutional law, and make the Constitution distance itself from text-oriented positivist views that ignore history and reality.Research Question(s)This article seeks to answer the question: “What Arendt's understanding is of the constitution and Constituent power as the creator of the constitution, and how she examines the different nature of the French and American revolutions to explain the concept of the constitution and Constituent power”.Literature ReviewThe interpreters of Arendt's thought have mostly neglected the importance of the concept of the constitution in her thinking, but in recent decades, especially with the rising influence of Carl Schmidt's ideas in constitutional law, many have relied on Arendt to criticize Schmidt’s ideas. Also, essays and books were written about Arendt's legal philosophy. Even though that many of Arendt's works have been translated into Persian, her legal theories have never been discussed. The only thing that can be seen in the Iranian legal literature about Arendt is her criticisms of the concept of human rights. MethodologyIn this article, we have researched and discussed issues with a descriptive-analytical method and by relying on the writings of Arendt and her commentators. ResultsThe constitution and constituent power are connected. The constitution is considered the most important legal document of a country. It is written by the constituent power which constituent power belongs to the people and the sovereignty of the people -sovereignty means the superior power to give orders. Arendt, fully familiar with the issues and theories of constituent power, makes a distinction between the American and French experiences regarding constituent power in order to explain constituent power and criticize it. Arendt understood constituent power very differently from what Schmidt theorized so complicatedly. Both Schmidt and Arendt have emphasized the role and power of people. For Schmidt, this power is absolute and beside the constitution, but for Arendt, it is limited and derived from the authority of pre-existing institutions. Also, both Arendt and Schmidt are indebted to Max Weber’s thinking. Arendt also stands against the constituent power and general will theories in the thought of Sieyès. According to Arendt, Sieyès has claimed the constituent power i.e., the nation to be a permanent state of nature. She has tried to criticize the supporters of public will and the strong role of the people. According to Arendt, emphasis on the will of the people makes the law in totalitarian governments a tool for the government, as a representative of the people which it can easily use to violate the constitution.She also discussed the concept of law based on what she theorized about constituent power and the Constitution. Arendt believed that the people, as the constituent power, write the constitution, but the ordinary law that is written in the parliament is no longer under the absolute will of the people and is bound and limited by the constitution. According to Arendt, in both the Roman and Greek experiences, law was man-made. The Greek nomos and the Roman lex did not have any divine origin and there was no need for legislation that was outside and above the laws, and there was no need to obtain inspiration from God. The concept of divine law required that the legislator be outside and above the circle of laws that he enacts. Arendt's analysis of Rousseau's influence on the evolution of the French Revolution led her to the conclusion that since then, the concept of the nation led to the idea that law should be the product of the people’s will, and thus the concept of law gained a new meaning thereafter. ConclusionHannah Arendt is one of the most important thinkers of the 20th century. Her thought system covers a wide and complex purview, and commentators of her thought have discussed various philosophical, political, and social aspects of her theories. One of the important aspects of Arendt's thinking is her legal philosophy, which has been less discussed than other aspects. Her legal philosophy covers a wide area in the philosophy of law, criminal law, international law, human rights, constitutional law, and administrative law, analysis of which requires writing numerous articles. In this article, only one of Arendt's theories, namely the constitution and its relationship with the constituent power, was discussed. For a more precise understanding of the Constitution, one refers to its author, that is, constituent power. Her understanding of the constituent power is different from the Western European tradition, from Sieyès to Carl Schmidt, and criticizes the exaggeration of the role of the people. Undoubtedly, the fate of the Weimar Republic and the bitter experience of 20th-century Europe, the emergence of totalitarian regimes in Germany and the Soviet Union, and her life experiences in America have influenced these ideas. regard to Arendt is increasing day by day in the world of legal thought and philosophy, and many aspects of Her thinking still need to be discussed.
Public Law
Mohammad Javad Javid; Qudsia Frotan
Abstract
IntroductionPeace, as a human right, has been the aspiration of the Afghan people for over four decades, as Afghanistan has been enduring war. However, achieving sustainable peace is not possible without inclusivity, especially with the participation of women, as peace is based on the principles of ...
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IntroductionPeace, as a human right, has been the aspiration of the Afghan people for over four decades, as Afghanistan has been enduring war. However, achieving sustainable peace is not possible without inclusivity, especially with the participation of women, as peace is based on the principles of equality and brotherhood, and its realization is only possible through collective engagement. Afghanistan, apart from the post-Taliban era, has always witnessed the dominion of oppressive and discriminatory ideologies and structures, which have led to numerous conflicts. Wherever there is oppression, there will consequently be.Research QuestionThis article seeks to identify how women can contribute to the realization of sustainable peace in Afghanistan. Therefore, it is based on the hypothesis that by recognizing the official and unofficial role of women in various public domains, sustainable peace is achievable. In peace, the structures and situations that lead to conflict are dismantled.Literature Review Regarding the role of women in achieving sustainable peace in the public legal system of Afghanistan, no work has been done in Afghanistan yet. However, considering the rapid developments that have taken place in the field of peace in Afghanistan, during my research, a significant number of studies have been conducted. Among these, there is the valuable research report titled "Women's Participation in the Peace Process in Afghanistan (A Case Study)". Another valuable work on this subject has been published by Dr. Omar Sadr under the title "Peace Processes in Afghanistan: People’s Perspectives", published by the Afghanistan Strategic Studies Institute. Another valuable article by Dr. Anahita Saifi, titled "Women, Peace, and Security in Afghanistan from the Perspective of the UN Security Council," was written in 2019. In this article, she examines the role of women in the peace-making process based on Resolution 1325 and the National Action Plan for Afghan Women, as well as the role of international institutions and women's participation in this process. Another valuable book, written by Mohammad Amin Ahmadi, who was also a member of the Afghan peace negotiating team, is titled "Peace in Afghanistan: The Struggle between the Republic and the Emirate."This book covers topics such as avoiding war, defending the republic and parliamentary democracy, a comparative study of the republican constitution and the emirate constitution, defending human rights within the framework of Islamic constitutional law, peace experiences and techniques, and finally, the legitimacy and sustainability of peace. This article has explored new horizons by, firstly directly addressing the issue of peace while considering the Afghan public legal system, and secondly, by being written concurrently with the latest news of peace negotiations and the confrontation between the Taliban and the Afghan government before the fall of Kabul, and referring to many recent meetings and events for the first time. Hence, it can claim to be new and original in its subject. Alongside that, our outlook on peace in this article is about sustainable peace that goes beyond ending war and conflicts and focuses on good governance and empowerment. This aspect has not been paid attention to in previous articles and sources.MethodologyThis article aims to contribute to increasing knowledge in the field of sustainable peace, with an emphasis on the role of women. In practical terms, it aims to assist in the current situation of Afghanistan which is on the brink of new developments in its political system, and provide a practical response to women's concerns arising from the Taliban's return to power in Afghanistan, as well as to strengthen the discourse on the role of women in achieving sustainable peace in Afghanistan and help guarantee women's rights as a vulnerable part of the country. This research has been conducted with a descriptive-analytical method.ResultNot until the social and cultural infrastructure is fundamentally reformed will top-down reforms to enforce the empowerment of women and project-based plans to increase their contribution in society achieve the desired result. DiscussionThe analyses in this article prove that the mechanism for achieving peace in post-war Afghanistan has been vertical (from top to bottom), and there have been significant international legal documents and domestic laws based on which many institutions and organizations have been created. However, what has prevented the realization of the goals set to achieve peace in Afghanistan are the structural and cultural problems in this area that have hindered women's participation in the desired positions.Therefore, to achieve peace, the structures and conditions that cause conflict must be eliminated. Moreover, to achieve sustainable peace, we need a structural reform that includes the participation of everyone, regardless of gender and ethnicity, as well as a cultural reform that supports political inclusivity. of the absence of peace in the current situation is evidence that, due to the lack of appropriate conditions for the participation of all Afghan citizens, especially women, the peace process has reached an impasse. ConclusionTo conclude, although the political system in Afghanistan after the war is defined as a modern and democratic system, its foundation is still the traditional and outdated national and tribal culture that has prevented the engagement of ethnic and social minorities and women in the body of the system as official actors. Therefore, women's struggles in recent years have primarily focused on reforming these structures and breaking down traditional anti-women structures, and because of the obstacles in front of their official actions to achieve sustainable peace, most of their efforts have been carried out through informal channels.
Public Law
Ayet Mulaee; Sayed Ali Mousavi; Farshid Bandehali
Abstract
IntroductionHegel is a philosopher who studies the concept of the state with his multifaceted philosophy and his special methodology. On one hand, he criticizes the views of different schools of thought about this concept and believes that the government is not a mechanism to maintain peace, enforce ...
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IntroductionHegel is a philosopher who studies the concept of the state with his multifaceted philosophy and his special methodology. On one hand, he criticizes the views of different schools of thought about this concept and believes that the government is not a mechanism to maintain peace, enforce rights, or promote benefits beyond its own existence, and only in this capacity can it be recognized by everyone as a right. On the other hand, in his theory, the divine and intrinsically purposive government is trying to incorporate all the desirable features of these schools, despite all these criticisms. notwithstanding this paradox, this research, whose sources have been collected through the library research method and descriptive-analytical study, aims to prove the hypothesis that the Hegelian state emerges from within the traditional liberal and democratic state-building philosophies in a special and distinct way. It is trying to answer the question “What are the characteristics of the ideal state in Hegel's view, In a practical look at the political philosophy of the state?”, The results show, while proving the hypothesis; that contrary to the extreme collectivism of Rousseau and the abstract individualism of Lockean liberalism, Hegel's state is ‘a reasonable and inevitable institution of society that everyone must recognize its by force and accept its obedience’. Research Question(s)What are the characteristics of the ideal state in Hegel's view? Literature ReviewSeveral research papers have been published Related to the subject of the research, including; Zahra Vashqani Farahani's thesis titled: "State Theory in Hegel's Political Philosophy" published by the Faculty of Literature and Humanities of the Islamic Azad University (Central Tehran Branch), as well as an article titled "The Importance of Hegelian Separation, State and Civil Society" written by Azim Rahin, Prepared and published in No. (1.2) of Social Sciences Quarterly. However, the distinct feature of this research is the examination of Hegel's paradigmatic view of the government, which is in many ways against or in favor of democracy and liberalism. MethodologyConsidering that research in most humanities disciplines is mainly focused on theoretical solutions, the present study has used a library research method to collect the desired data and examines the data with a descriptive-analytical method. ConclusionHegel's philosophy, methodology, and valuable critiques present an outlook that thinks about modernity, instead of being oriented towards the Enlightenment era of his time. Because, basically, from Hegel's point of view, modernity is a bridge in the evolution of the soul towards freedom, and in this way, the self-awareness of the soul is the most important characteristic of the new era. In summary, for the purposes of this research and its main question, what is certain is that Hegel rejects the political theory of social contract that philosophers such as Locke and Rousseau established and views them as inefficient abstract concepts and, by rejecting the abstract idealism of "Reason" and the empiricism of "History" as an independent and durable ground for authority, established a dialectical relationship between reason and history and thereby resolved some of the contradictions raised in the state's founding phase. He also, based the political right on having an independent nature from the state and supports the concept of political right where it maintains its idealistic aspect, but is based on a certain historical era. On the other hand, even though Hegel criticizes the extreme collectivism of Rousseau and the abstract individualism of Lockean liberalism, his divine and intrinsically purposive government tries to incorporate all the desirable features of these schools and support them. Hegel's goal was to achieve the desired political power system for Germany, and so in this way, he presented his government specially and distinctly from the democratic and liberal state-building philosophies of his time.But what are the characteristics of Hegel's ideal government? The key to understanding this question lies in the ideal concept of political right in Hegel's belief and his opinion about the inherent rationality of the state. From Hegel's point of view, the state is the manifestation of realized freedom and the perfect ethical life. Therefore, the state is an ethical soul that emerges in the form of an essential will by becoming more transparent and definite. Therefore, the state is nothing but "the action of the spirit in the world" realized in a self-conscious form. But since the soul in Hegel's philosophy has an absolute, and even divine essence, according to Hegel's definition, the state is God's will in the world. Such a government is not a responsible or parliamentary government, and this was at a time when the belief in a responsible government was considered the most important feature of 19th-century liberalism. Overall, by studying the philosophy of rights that Hegel talks about, it cannot be said that he does not explicitly accept responsible government, nor can it be said that he explicitly rejected such a government.
Public Law
Mohjtaba Vaezi
Abstract
Introduction“Competence” is one of the few words on which the history of modern administrative law can be said to be based. Despite the importance of this concept, little attention has been paid to its principles and different aspects, and the main discussions have focused on the dual concepts ...
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Introduction“Competence” is one of the few words on which the history of modern administrative law can be said to be based. Despite the importance of this concept, little attention has been paid to its principles and different aspects, and the main discussions have focused on the dual concepts of “ministerial power and discretionary power”. Given the place of foreign law in the field of administrative law, analyzing the origins and aspects of words can help prevent mere adaptation with no attempt at conformity. Examining the concept of competence and its types distinguishes public law, in particular administrative law, from civil law, and consequently makes it easier to identify the appropriate legal rules. The division of competence is not limited to the two types of ministerial and discretionary power. These divisions Affect the manner of judicial control, the type of civil liability regime, and the quality of the principle of legality. Contrary to popular belief, it has also been shown that the principle of "assumption of no authority" does not apply equally to all areas of administrative law. Competence also has its own reflections in the field of administrative contracts, unilateral actions, management of internal affairs of the administrative organization, public order, and public service, which, of course, should be examined on a broader basis.Regarding discretionary power, valuable books have been written, which are mostly focused on the two types of discretionary and ministerial power, such as the book " Discretionary Power" by Dr. Ali Mashhadi in 2013 and the book "Discretionary Power in the context of Modern Public Law" " published in 2014 by Dr. Reza Fanazad.Despite the importance of the two concepts above, it seems that diving deep into analyzing and clarifying the main concept of competence is still necessary and can help to provide appropriate legislation and more accurate judicial decisions in this area. Method and PurposeThis article, through a comparative-analytical method, discusses the different types and functions of competence in the field of administrative law, after dealing with the concept and similar concepts. Also, with a library research method of data collection, we seek to provide as much precision as possible to the key legal concepts in the field of administrative competence, to further explain the nature of administrative functions and facilitate judicial supervision over them. Main Text Competence in the judicial sense, simply, is the lawsuits and complaints that a judicial authority can, and must, deal with.With the provided definition, it should be possible to distinguish the concept of "competence" from "authority". The authority of a judicial authority can be considered as a set of legal facilities that a judge possesses and uses to discover the truth and verify the validity of the parties’ claims, in his capacity of adjudicating and after establishing his jurisdiction. Despite such a distinction in the field of judicial law, in the specific topics of administrative law, the concept of competence includes both the authority and scope of action of the agent. Therefore, it can be said that in Article 170 of the Constitution, in the phrase " or lie outside the authority of the executive power " authority means the field of action of executive authorities.Administrative competence in its strict sense, i.e., inherent or special competence, regarding its content and raison d’etre, has three basic characteristics:1- Undertaking affairs of others: The authority is basically a set of powers and duties that are provided to the administrative officer to perform a public mission or serve the public interest. Therefore, administrative competence is actually the power to administrate the citizens' affairs, or in the words of civil law, administration of another’s affairs.2- Exclusive tenure of a mission: competence is the exclusive responsibility of a public matter which is determined by thematic, temporal, or geographical criteria.3- Possessing legal powers and privileges: the mission of securing the public interest, in principle, requires the possession of a special privilege of authority.- Categories of administrative competence:1- Discretionary competence vs. ministerial competence: The most common and familiar division of administrative competence is ministerial and discretionary. ministerial competence in the shortest definition is where only one option is available to the administrative officer, and on the other hand, discretionary competence is where more than one option is available to the administrative officer based on which he has to decide and act.2- Instituting competence (constitutional) vs. diagnostic competence (declarative): when discussing diagnostic competence, it is noteworthy to check its resemblance with the discretionary competence of the administration. There is a fine line between these two types of competence. The diagnostic competence oversees the identification and diagnosis of the subject and has similarities with the judicial function, in the sense that the relevant authority checks whether the subject of investigation is in accordance with the legislative decree or not. For example, the interview board for PhD selection or employment interview committees identify people who possess the scientific and moral capabilities required by the law. In other words, diagnostic competence is basically declarative in nature and therefore has a quasi-judicial function. Also, to prevent errors and personal conflicts as much as possible, diagnostic authority is usually assigned to a council of experts. The said council is speciallyfounded based on this type of competence, and it has no other functions, so it can be said that the mentioned competence is the reason d’etre of these bodies of authority. On the other hand, instituting authority is where the administrative officer takes an initiative decision and creates a right or obligation or a new legal situation and so, it can be said to be a completely administrative measure. Also, the holder of instituting authority can be an individual officer or a council consisting of people. In addition, the range of functions of an officer with instituting authority is not limited to one or more cases, and to fulfill his multiple missions, he may have ministerial authority in some cases and discretionary authority in other cases.3- General competence vs. special (inherent) competence: administrative competence in its common sense is special or intrinsic competence. The authority of the administration in the legal actions it takes can be divided into two main types according to the nature of its function and goals: general authority and specific or inherent authority of the administration.General authority is the total authority that the administrative body has like any other legal entity. As a legal entity, the administration is considered to have a legal personality and should have the powers that every legal person needs to carry out its affairs. Competences such as concluding contracts and the capability to possess property rights to meet specific needs are among these common competencies.specific or inherent competence of the administration are the powers that the administration has as an official for public service. Not only do private legal entities not have this type of authority, but in many cases, it is specific and exclusive to a certain public person, and for this reason, they are called the special authority of the administration. For example, supervising the standards of urban buildings is the responsibility of the municipality, and in this regard, it can change them if necessary where deemed necessary.In the following, we have discussed the concept and basis of the principle of assumption of no authority in administrative law and we show that the said principle has different functions in different areas of administrative contracts, unilateral actions, internal affairs of the organization, public order, and public services.finally, we have discussed the consequences of different types of competence and their relationship with the scope of judicial control, the regime of civil responsibility, and the principle of legality. ConclusionAdministrative authority, due to belonging to the field of public law and conducting public affairs, has two important characteristics of exclusiveness and authoritativeness. In addition, other classifications of competence which have a practical impact in determining the applicable legal regime should also be recognized. Classification of competence into two types of instituting and diagnostic, on one hand, and into two types of general and special competence on the other, as well as identifying the characteristics of the principle of “assumption of no authority” in terms of its basis and function, require more reflection.It is needed to separate the scope of the implementation of the mentioned principle in the two areas of public order and public services and consider the different circumstances. The public law nature of the concept of competence makes the role of the administration important in administrative contracts, unilateral actions, management of internal affairs of the organization, and the fields of public order and public services, so much so that one cannot expect acceptable function from administrative bodies if this concept is not accurately defined in the field of public law.
Public Law
Hadi Tahan nazif; Ali Ariannezhad
Abstract
According to Article 124 of the Constitution; The president can have deputies to carry out his legal duties. On the other hand, Article 133 of the Constitution states that the responsibility of the ministries is on the president's chosen minister who has received a vote of confidence from the Islamic ...
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According to Article 124 of the Constitution; The president can have deputies to carry out his legal duties. On the other hand, Article 133 of the Constitution states that the responsibility of the ministries is on the president's chosen minister who has received a vote of confidence from the Islamic Council. Since, according to Article 113 of the Constitution, the President, who is the highest official of the country, heads the executive branch, including the ministries -except in matters directly related to the Supreme Leader’s powers, the powers of a vice president may interfere with the powers of ministers. Considering the obscurity of Article 124 and the legal gap regarding the limits to the powers of the vice presidents, the framework grounded for the powers of the vice presidents and the limits to the powers of the ministers should be determined.Research QuestionThis essay seeks to answer the question "Could the president appoint deputies with duties that are in the jurisdiction of the ministries?". The exact answer to this question depends on analyzing whether, on a legal basis, it is possible to appoint a vice president in the jurisdiction of the ministries or not. On the other hand, it should be investigated as to what extent this type of appointment has occurred in the legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and what is the opinion of the Guardian Council as the main judge in this matter? And finally, considering the capacities provided in law, how can this conflict be prevented or solved? Literature ReviewBefore this research, the subject of vice presidents has not only been examined under the general concept of the president and the first vice president’s powers but also specifically in articles such as "The legal requirements of delegating the powers of the president to deputies in Iran's constitutional law system with regards to the opinions of the Guardian Council", "A look at the assignment of president’s legal duties to the deputies" and "Regulations for the appointment and the position of special representatives and deputy presidents". However, these articles did not deal with the issue of any interference between the competence of the president and the ministers and thus, their topic is fundamentally different from this research. Regarding the relationship between the vice presidents and the ministries, there has been a report on "carrying out executive affairs through the vice presidents instead of the ministries", which is also different from this research because it focuses on the possibility of doing executive affairs by the vice presidents instead of the ministries, irrespective of the issue of interference of their powers. Therefore, the innovation of this research is first, in its topic of examining the conflict between the legal powers of the vice presidents and ministers and, second, in its analysis at two theoretical and practical levels, and third, in its examination of the plausible legal answers and providing an innovative solution to overcome this problem. MethodologyThe current essay has been done through library research and adopting a descriptive-analytical approach meaning that, in addition to identifying the qualifications of vice presidents and ministers, we have analyzed the research problem using logical arguments. ResultsAccording to Article 124 of the Constitution, the president can have deputies to perform his legal duties. By examining the detailed summary of the deliberations of the Constitutional Revision Council, the proposed arguments, and the systematic approach taken to the enactment of the Constitution, we find that the deputy is considered a representative of the president by the legislator and a non-authentic person, and since the authority of the president is limited, he cannot appoint a deputy within the jurisdiction of the ministries.From the opinions of the Guardian Council regarding the issue of the "consulting minister", it is also deduced that the president can create institutions under his supervision and delegate matters to them to handle some extra-ministerial affairs and his special duties such as "supervising the work of ministers", "harmonizing government decisions", "formulating the government's programs and policies", "synchronizing and policy-making of executive bodies" and "mobilizing the facilities of executive bodies for a specific issue", but other duties and executive affairs that are not part of the president’s special duties which are under the jurisdiction of the ministries, cannot be entrusted to his affiliated institutions, and such assignment would be against the Constitution.In the current status, vice presidents are assigned in four ways: by the Constitution, the resolution of the supreme councils, the statutes, and by the decree of the president. On the other hand, the only bodies that determine the ministers’ powers are the statutes, and in case of a conflict between the powers of the vice presidents and the ministers, conflict resolution of the above-mentioned bodies with the statutory law should be examined. In case of adding to or changing the powers of the ministers by the statutory law and their conflicts with the powers of the vice presidents; If the founding document of the vice president is the statutory law or the decree of the president, the recent statute is applied, but if the founding document is the Constitution or the decree of the supreme councils, the recent law is invalid. To change or establish the powers of the vice-presidents, only the parliament or supreme councils such as the Cultural Revolution Council have the authority to appoint vice-presidents acting in duties that are considered to be in the jurisdiction of the ministers. ConclusionA conflict between the powers of the ministers and the vice presidents is only problematic where the founding body for appointing the vice president is the decree of the president himself, and in order to get out of this problem, it is possible to use the capacity provided by the constitution in the matter of supervision of the General Inspection Organization of the Country, the supervision of the parliament in Article 90 of the Constitution, and the case law of the Court of Administrative Justice; However, these solutions are difficult to reach and only reactive; Therefore, it is suggested that in the statutory law, the president -while appointing the vice presidents- should be required to approve bylaws on the limits of their authority in the cabinet so that the speaker of the parliament can prevent the interference of the authorities a priori, and that filing a well-grounded complaint in the administrative court of justice would become less complicated and problematic.
Public Law
Mohammad Sadegh Farahani; Abasali Kadkhodaei; Vali Rostami
Abstract
1. IntroductionThe expansion of the Internet and its ever-increasing rate along with the rise of smart mobile phones have made Internet-based businesses one of the inseparable sectors of today's economy. The part that this type of business plays in today’s world economy is so much that now the ...
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1. IntroductionThe expansion of the Internet and its ever-increasing rate along with the rise of smart mobile phones have made Internet-based businesses one of the inseparable sectors of today's economy. The part that this type of business plays in today’s world economy is so much that now the top companies in the world, in terms of capital and market value, are companies in the field of digital economy. This is a reality that Iran will also face in the not-too-distant future; then, companies in the field of digital economy will take a significant share of the market. So, today, it is especially necessary to pay attention to the issue of competition in digital platforms and to set the appropriate rules to govern them. Literature ReviewUntil the writing of this article, most of the issues raised in Iran's competition law are devoted to the examination of rules governing competition in traditional markets. Only one article titled "Competition Council and Internet Businesses" by Zarei et al. (2019) has been written in relation to platform markets, and this work is also based on the traditional rules of competition law and regardless of the specific challenges of this field. Analysis of the vote number 306 of the Competition Council. Therefore, it can be claimed that the explanation of the characteristics and challenges of platform markets and its effect on the regulation of competition in this field, which is examined in this article, qualifies as innovation. MethodologyIn order to correctly set the new rules applicable in the field of digital platforms’ competition, it is necessary to go through a three-stage system: first, we must get a correct understanding of the prominent features of the digital platform markets that affect the issue of competition. In the second stage, the competitive challenges arising from these characteristics, with which the traditional rules are not able to fully deal, should be examined and evaluated; and finally, new rules of competition in the field of platform markets based on the aforementioned characteristics and challenges should be put in place.As the title of the article suggests, the purpose of this article is to explain and analyze the first and second stages of the aforementioned process to show the deficiency of traditional rules in response to the competitive challenges of the field of digital platforms and the necessity of revising them. For this purpose, after explaining the meaning of "platform" and its conceptual evolution over time (the first part), the prominent features of digital platforms that affect the issue of competition are counted, identified, and evaluated (the second part) and finally, the challenges due to the aforementioned characteristics and the inadequacy of the traditional rules in response to them will be explained (part three) to prove the necessity of revising the traditional rules of competition law in the field of platform markets. ConclusionBased on the findings of this article, the main economic features of digital platforms are such as "the network effect", "reduction of transaction costs", "replacement of ownership with access", "fragmentation of supply and demand", "economy of scale and economy of significant scope", "simultaneous improvement of economies of scale and personalization" and "fundamental importance of data". Although they are not entirely new and traces of them can be seen in traditional markets, their simultaneous presence in digital platforms makes the market tend towards them. In addition, this problem may be aggravated by the actions of digital platforms to strengthen and expand their position in the market. It is noteworthy that none of the aforementioned features that have led to the occurrence of the mentioned challenges have been recognized in the traditional rules of competition as an obstacle to entering the market or as an anti-competitive practice. Therefore, the first competitive challenge of platform markets, which requires the regulation of appropriate rules, is the growing monopoly of these markets. Naturally, the most suitable solution to get out of this situation is to recognize the aforementioned features as specific types of entry barriers for digital markets.It should also be kept in mind that the preliminary stages to apply anti-competitive rules and guaranteeing them in digital platform markets face serious challenges. In these markets, it is not possible to identify the product as easily as it is in traditional markets, and the application of the conventional SSNIP test cannot be applied to many platforms that offer zero-price services or two- or multi-modal platforms. This makes it a serious challenge to recognize the exact share of the platform in the market and, accordingly, to recognize the market power. It seems that the transition from "quantitative criteria" to "qualitative criteria" is the way out of such challenges.Also, following the traditional rules in recognizing the anti-competitive behavior of platforms, causes many platforms to be accused of aggressive pricing at the very beginning due to having zero marginal cost. In addition, the existence of the aforementioned features has facilitated the conditions for committing anti-competitive acts, such as establishing exclusive conditions in the transaction, selling a package of products, collusion, etc. It seems that the requirement to overcoming such challenges is to promote ex-ante regulations along with the implementation of the current (mostly a-posteriori) regulation model.Finally, it seems that the simultaneous presence of these features in digital platforms has largely led to the reemergence of traditional issues of competition law as current issues, and this will consequently require a review of competition laws in this area, as countries such as the United States, China, and the European Union have followed the same path.
Public Law
Hasanali Moazenzadegan; Seyed Mohammad Hosseini; Abdulqodus Arseen
Abstract
1. IntroductionA judge or a judicial system, that is not independent and is influenced by different factors is, unable of establishing justice; he/she is also unable to protect the rights and individual freedoms of people which calls into question the existential philosophy of that judicial system. People's ...
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1. IntroductionA judge or a judicial system, that is not independent and is influenced by different factors is, unable of establishing justice; he/she is also unable to protect the rights and individual freedoms of people which calls into question the existential philosophy of that judicial system. People's lack of trust in the judicial system leads to a decrease in the legitimacy of the political system which causes political and social crises and at higher levels, the collapse of the political system. Based on the principle of separation of powers, which has been one of the most important intellectual achievements of mankind in social administration, the power of the government is separated and divided into the three branches of legislative, judiciary, and executive organs (although they maintain their interaction), in order to prevent the concentration of power in one person or institution. Judicial independence is, therefore, one of the logical results of accepting the principle of separation of powers, the origin of which can be found in the era of Aristotle. Today, this principle is considered one of the most important principles and, in fact, the cornerstone of democratic governments–a form of government that seems better able to provide justice than other forms of government. The Principle of Judicial Independence in International Documents and the Legal System of AfghanistanOne of the results of accepting the principle of separation of powers, as mentioned earlier, is the acceptance of the principle of judicial independence. This principle has been discussed and supported in international and regional documents. In Afghanistan, for the first time during the reign of Amanullah Khan, it was recognized in Article 53 of the Constitution of Afghanistan (1923) by stating that "all courts are free from any interference". In the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (2004), there is no clarity about accepting the principle of separation of powers. But from its general structure and its division of chapters –the fourth chapter (government) the fifth chapter (the National Council) and the seventh chapter (Judiciary) it is inferred that this principle is accepted. Judicial independence is also explicitly accepted in Article 116: "The judiciary is the independent pillar of the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan". Research ProblemIn Afghanistan, in recent years, several criminal cases have resulted in decisions that raised questions about the status and position of judicial independence in the judicial system of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan: Do judges and the judicial system of Afghanistan act independently? History of Research and Its MethodAlthough much research has been done about judicial independence in the world, it has received less attention in Afghanistan which is perhaps the reason why Afghan legal writers have made fewer claims about the strength or weakness of judicial independence in Afghanistan based on evidence. Therefore, evidence-based research about judicial independence, in which the personal judgment of the authors is minimized, is one of the needs of Afghan society. The main question of this essay is regarding the status of judicial independence, as one of the most important pillars of good governance, in the legal system of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.Judicial independence can be studied at both organizational and individual levels. At the organizational level, it is indicated by a look at factors such as the recognition of the independence of the judiciary in the constitution and other laws, the exclusivity of judicial authority in the judiciary, the binding nature of the rulings of the judiciary on other organs, administrative independence, and finally, its financial independence. Also, to evaluate individual judicial independence, one should consider indicators such as the process of selecting and appointing judges, job security of judges, prohibition of engaging in political and other duties for the judges, prescribing objective conditions for their promotion and demotion, documentation of judicial decisions, establishing a judicial panel in court, judicial immunity, the salaries of judges and finally their safety and security. Conclusion The results of this study show that in Afghanistan during the republic period, at the organizational level, while the independence of the judiciary was recognized in the constitution and other laws of the country, the exclusion of jurisdiction in the judiciary was not desirable. The rulings of the judiciary were not so binding on other organs which had damaged its independence. Administrative independence was also weak, but financial independence was in a good condition. At the individual level, the selection and appointment of judges was not suitable, but the job security of judges had been relatively good as the mechanism of hiring judges was in a good situation that ensured their job security to a large extent. The guarantee of the prohibition of their employment in political duties was weak, but in other duties, the ban had been appropriately executed. Also, while the prescription of objective criteria for the promotion and demotion of judges was very bad, the judicial decisions were documented and the judicial boards were established in proceedings. Judicial immunity had been realized incompletely, judges' salaries were assessed as appropriate but their safety and security had been inadequate. In general, judicial independence in Afghanistan was weak which, according to the authors, had caused people's distrust in the judicial system and as a result, a decrease in the legitimacy of the republican system. This can be considered one of the factors for the fall of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.
Public Law
seyedeh zahra saeid
Abstract
1. IntroductionThe president’s interpellation before the Islamic Consultative Assembly (ICA), set in the Constitutional law of the Islamic Republic of Iran, has been a challenge. The cause of the challenge is the contrast between the 2nd clause of Article 89 of the Constitution and Article 114 ...
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1. IntroductionThe president’s interpellation before the Islamic Consultative Assembly (ICA), set in the Constitutional law of the Islamic Republic of Iran, has been a challenge. The cause of the challenge is the contrast between the 2nd clause of Article 89 of the Constitution and Article 114 of the Constitution. Article 89 says: “In the event that at least one-third of the members of the Islamic Consultative Assembly interpellate the President concerning his responsibilities for leadership of the executive power and managing the executive affairs of the country, the President must present himself to the Assembly within one month after the submission of the interpellation and to give adequate explanations regarding the matters raised. After hearing the statements of the opposing and favoring members and the reply of the President, if two-thirds of the members of the Assembly vote for his incompetency, the vote will be communicated to the Supreme Leader for implementation of Article 110(10)”. Article 114 holds: “The President is elected for a four-year term by the direct vote of the people. His re-election for a successive term is permissible only once”In other words, The main cause of the challenge is the appointment of the president through elections and the lack of any power by the Islamic Consultative Assembly in this regard. The current presumption among the legal society is that interpellation would be applied to an authority that is elected by the ICA. Although the current presumption is relatively true, what has been neglected during these years is that in fact, the interpellation of the president in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran is impeachment in a different, unique concept. Discussion In some political systems, the president would be removed by legislative assemblies by means of impeachment. Comparing the elements of the term impeachment with the elements of interpellation proves the above claim. Hence, comparing the two elements of their grounds and their procedures are notable.in the draft of the Constitution, a two-stage procedure for the removal of the president was set, but after the enactment of the Constitution, two different one-stage procedures were created. One procedure would be run by the Islamic Consultative Assembly, and the other would be run by the Supreme Court. In fact, two procedures that work together in an impeachment, have been transformed into two independent procedures, both of which leave the final decision-making to the Supreme Leader.ConclusiomThe grounds for the president’s removal have been changed from “treason or conspiracy against national security” in the text of the Constitution to “treason and violation of legal duties” and eventually, to “violation of legal duties” and “lack of qualification”. Lack of qualification and being unfit to continue in office are common concepts among the grounds of impeachment in different political systems. lack of qualifications, incapability in doing his executive duties, or ineptitude in executive management in the text of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran are the instances of the general notion of “being unqualified unfit”. Both concepts of “lack of qualification” and “violation of legal duties” are incorporated in the general notion of unfitness in the legal and political literature of the Islamic Republic of Iran and are equal to impeachment in other systems; However, interpellation is often based on political reasons. Since the causes and the grounds of the president’s removal are enumerated in the Constitution, we can conclude that the nature of presidential removal in the Constitution is impeachment, but its title is interpellation.Thus, some clarification and some reforms are required by amending the Constitution. Before any constitutional amendment, the nature of the interpellation of the president and its elements should be explained by the legal society. It may prevent this oversight tool to become a reason to remove the president based on political disagreements and may regulate and restrict the oversight tool to only clear legal grounds. This may, in the future, be the inspiration to possibly omit or add to the grounds for presidential removal in the constitutional amendment. According to the current laws and regulations, the procedure of presidential removal via Islamic Consultative Assembly is almost clear but the procedure of presidential removal through the Supreme Court is unclear. Again, reforming the procedure of presidential removal and merging the two procedures requires an amendment to the Constitution. Another subject that must be considered is the effect of this presidential removal mechanism and whether, irrespective of the removal from office, there are any other effects and sanctions for the president or not. Another sanction for the president’s incompetency would be exclusion and prohibition from holding any public office which is worthy to be debated and considered for the future.
Public Law
Ebrahim Azizi; Farshad Farazmand; Hossein Taleqani Mansournejad; Mohammadhossein Osta
Abstract
1. IntroductionGovernmental development plans have always been a point of concern for countries in terms of how to use national wealth in these projects. Governments have tried to devise possible ways to make better use of public resources in development projects. One of the solutions provided in Iranian ...
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1. IntroductionGovernmental development plans have always been a point of concern for countries in terms of how to use national wealth in these projects. Governments have tried to devise possible ways to make better use of public resources in development projects. One of the solutions provided in Iranian law is the establishment of a legal body called the Supreme Technical Council. This council was established according to Article 80 (amended) of the Budget Law of 1977, approved in 1979, and was responsible for duties and powers, such as the authorization of price floors and the revision of general contract rates. In 1999, according to paragraph (c) of Article 53 of the General Conditions of Construction Works Procurements (a uniform regulatory document issued by the government that prescribes some general conditions that apply to all construction projects engaged in by a public authority), it was considered to be the arbitrator in disputes arising from development projects and so, this role was added to its aforementioned capacities. In this study, by analyzing the nature of these duties, powers, and authorities of the Supreme Technical Council, we will examine whether, first of all, the assigned missions are in line with the existential philosophy of this council. Is there a need to plan such tasks or not? further, is there a consistency between the duties, authorities, and powers of the council? Finally, some solutions and suggestions will be provided accordingly. MethodologyIn this article, by collecting data through library resources, we answered questions with the analytical-descriptive method. Results1- According to parts "a" and "b" of amended Article 80, the Supreme Technical Council is responsible for reviewing and approving the basic prices and related market regulations and instructions, as well as reviewing and approving the prices of special items (which are marked with an asterisk). This has so far been the best way in preventing the unusual increase in the cost of public construction projects and the abuse and waste of public resources. In this role, the Supreme Technical Council has an executive duty.2- According to part "c" of the amended Article 80, the duty to revise the general contract rates has also been assigned to the Supreme Technical Council. The appeal request by the general contractor is subject to the approval of the highest administrative authority of the public party (the employer) and after that, the Supreme Technical Council makes a decision regarding the request. This type of adjustment is a contractual price adjustment and the role of the Supreme Technical Council in agreeing to the appeal is to be a part of the decision-making elements of the public party's executive body which makes it a party to the contract (on the side of the employer). Therefore, in this perspective, the legal nature of the role given to the Supreme Technical Council is as a party to the contract.3- The last duty assigned to the Supreme Technical Council in part "D" of amended Article 80 is to review and make a decision on issues that have been raised by the public parties (employers) for which the contract has not provided a specific solution beforehand. it has been discussed that, in this role, it seems that the Supreme Technical Council is, again, a part of the decision-making side of the public party, and therefore, as a matter of its legal nature, it plays the role of party to the contract.4- The last power that has been considered for the Supreme Technical Council is the authority of arbitration in construction projects, which is derived from paragraph "C" of Article 53 of the general conditions of Construction Works Procurement, which is a judicial role and the Supreme Technical Council acts as a judge between the parties in this role. In addition to the problems that exist in terms of the possibility of exceeding its legal powers in setting guidelines about the general and specific conditions of Construction Works Procurements, and in providing templates for drafting arbitration clauses and the terms used in them, it seems that this authority causes the litigant to be the judge of its own case. Because as mentioned, in some cases, the Supreme Technical Council is on the decision-making side of the executive board of the public contracting party and is somehow involved in this litigation. ConclusionAccording to the aforementioned results, the suggestions are as follows:1- Considering the practical benefits of the duties mentioned in clauses "a" and "b" of the amended Article 80, we suggest keeping them as they are until a better solution is found in this regard.2- Regarding clauses "c" and "d", considering their negative effects in terms of time and money, it is suggested that these powers be assigned to the highest authority of the executive body of the public contracting party just like they were before the amendment of Article 80.3- Finally, regarding the duty of the arbitration, it is suggested that the position of alternative dispute resolution methods in the General Conditions of Construction Works Procurements should be strengthened and it should be mandatory to refer to them and not be at the discretion of the parties (as it is). Also, by amending the laws, the parties of construction projects should be given the right to choose an independent and validated arbitration authority active in the country.Keywords: General Conditions of Construction Works Procurements, Supreme Technical Council, BOQs, Contract Rates, Development Plan, Arbitration
Public Law
Javad Yahyazadeh; Ali Farhadian
Abstract
1. IntroductionThe most important or one of the most important concepts in the legal sciences and legal systems is the controversial concept of “right” which has a long history behind it. In the meantime, “The right to be wrong” has also entered legal texts and documents in addition ...
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1. IntroductionThe most important or one of the most important concepts in the legal sciences and legal systems is the controversial concept of “right” which has a long history behind it. In the meantime, “The right to be wrong” has also entered legal texts and documents in addition to theory. This right is the result of the growth of rights and the product of many centuries of struggle between the government and citizens in Western liberal thought and the result of various social, economic, and political happenings. The "right to be wrong" in a simple and concise sense, means respecting the conscience of others, even when we are sure they are wrong. In other words, this concept means non-interference of others in the wrongdoing of the right holder. Based on this, a person can build his moral system in such a way that, even according to others, is considered wrong, unjust, or immoral. "Right to die" or "Right to refuse medical treatment" and "Abortion", "Right to choose a racist party", and "Homosexuality" and... are some clear examples of the right to be wrong. Right to be wrong, which emphasizes the trans-ethical nature of rights by differentiating the right in the objective and subjective sense i.e., between "being right" and "having a right", reveals the content of the right in a new sense. Acknowledging the concept of having a right to be wrong in legal systems implies the acceptance of the principle of tolerance in regulating and harmonizing the legal relations of citizens and accepting the concept of "pluralism" instead of "plurality". Literature ReviewComparing the concept of the right to be wrong with the basic foundations of the legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran voiced in the constitution shows that it cannot be assumed that this concept is accepted by the constitutional legislature through neither the textualist, structuralist nor intentionalist interpretation methods. Reflecting on the fourth and fifth articles, the twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh in particular, the sixth paragraph of article 2, and finally the thirteenth article of the constitution, confirms the claim of the authors in this regard with a loyal and faithful interpretation of the text and the structure of the constitution. Also, referring to the constitutional negotiations documents -as an important source in understanding the fundamental rights of societies- in an attempt at an intentional interpretation, does not open a way to apply the concept of right to be wrong in this system. However, using the philosophical hermeneutic method instead of the previous interpretive methods, which seeks a dynamic interpretation of the text by understanding the "meaning of the meaning", while paying attention to the "requirements of the time", "the historicity of the text" and finally "the compromising between of the views of the author and the interpreter", makes the idea of accepting the right to be wrong in this legal order and system possible. MethodologyIn this research, in addition to clarifying the concept, the theoretical foundations and justifications of the "right to be wrong", and emphasizing its prominence and prevalence in legal systems, its possibility in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran was measured and examined through the hermeneutic method. Discussion The Guardian Council, which according to Article 98, is the only official interpreter of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, has prevented the possibility of using a dynamic interpretation method, especially the new hermeneutics method, and refuses to accept the right to be wrong since its establishment. This institution has only authorized and used the two methods of textual interpretation (with an emphasis on the literary meaning of the word) and intentional interpretation, in the framework of the principles of Shia jurisprudence and based on Shia’s thought system in the interpretation of the holy texts and avoiding self-serving interpretation. This has become an issue that, of course, can be revised to make the domestic legal system more efficient. Reflecting on the capacities of Imamiyyah jurisprudence in identifying the concept of the right to be wrong and its application in domestic law and constitution, of course, requires another time. ConclusionThe findings of this article show that the Islamic vision accepted in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran has distinct principles regarding rights with a liberal point of view, which has manifested itself in the form of the Sharia law governing the Constitution. "God-centeredness in all matters", distinguishing between "God's right" and "people's right" and finally the supremacy of "natural rights" over "conventional rights" are unchangeable and unbreakable elements in Islamic thought. According to this view, human rights are conventional and contractual, and nature, law, and above all, human beings, do not have inherent rights. it is through God-given rights that human rights are valid. Keywords: Right, Wrong, Hermeneutics, Constitution, Islamic Republic of Iran
Public Law
Hassan Hamzehloei; Maghsood Ranjbar; Mohammad Taghi Dashty
Abstract
By recognizing the inherent duality of private law and public law, each domain has been allocated its distinct territory. Despite the relative and interconnected nature of these realms, the application of public law within its designated territory is essential due to its specific role, functions, and ...
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By recognizing the inherent duality of private law and public law, each domain has been allocated its distinct territory. Despite the relative and interconnected nature of these realms, the application of public law within its designated territory is essential due to its specific role, functions, and methodologies. Throughout history, fundamental rights (public laws) have governed the relationship between the government and its citizens, while private rights (civil laws) have governed the interactions between individuals. This demarcation of territories is not exclusive to Iran; numerous countries worldwide have embraced this division, leading to significant substantive and procedural implications.Notably, in recent years, Iran has witnessed a notable expansion of the public law domain within its legal system, which has raised concerns about its extent. This expansion can be attributed to several underlying reasons. One primary factor is the inadequacy and limitations of existing private law regulations in resolving societal issues. Consequently, legislators are compelled to address private law matters by formulating solutions based on public law principles, inadvertently diverting the core problem into the realm of public law. This practice, however, fails to address the root causes and restricts the available solutions to those provided by public law. As a result, the practical scope of public law expands beyond its intended boundaries. The excessive and multifaceted growth of public law can have far-reaching detrimental effects.Thus, the central question emerges: What potential harm can the development of public law inflict on citizens' rights, and what are the driving forces behind this expansion in Iran? This research posits that the government's inclination towards exercising authority, excessive interventions in social and economic matters, undervaluing of liberal principles, a tendency to resort to public law in ambiguous cases, and the adaptable nature of public law methods are among the contributing factors to the widening scope of public law. Moreover, the duality of influences on Iran's public law system—Western legal traditions and Shia jurisprudence—has led to its distinct development. Some facets of Iran's public law draw inspiration from Western legal systems, while others find their origins in Shia legal doctrines.It is worth noting that Iran's legal system is bound by Article 4 of the Constitution, which mandates the utilization of Sharia rulings and adherence to Islamic standards in all laws and regulations. This requirement, however, diverges from Western legal systems where such a mandate is not observed.The realm of public law has undergone extensive development, permeating even the most intimate legal issues. Notable examples of this expansion include the broadening of public law in labor law, characterized by significant government interventions in the field. Similarly, the realm of public law has made significant strides in business law, and its influence has extended to matters concerning property rights. The objective of this research is to contribute to the advancement of public law in Iran by conducting a comprehensive analysis of its benefits and drawbacks through a systematic examination of its expansion.To fulfill this objective, we delve into the causes and factors behind the development of the public law realm, providing noteworthy examples that illustrate its expansion. The research findings establish the undeniable separation of the realms of private and public rights, despite ongoing debates regarding their differentiation. In practice, even legal systems that advocate for the unity of public and private law demonstrate a distinct educational system for public law. By acknowledging the distinction between public law and private law, while acknowledging the inherent difficulty in delineating these realms in certain cases, each legal field can be allocated its designated sphere.In recent years, there has been a notable surge in the expansion and growth of the public law realm. Numerous issues that were traditionally and conventionally within the purview of private law have now either entirely or to a significant extent fallen under the domain of public law.
Public Law
Mahdi Mahdavizahed
Abstract
PurposeChanging from "People" to "society" requires a unity of interests and a nation that connects the building blocks of the Iranian people. The present paper concerns the relationship between social changes and public law. The sociological approach to law by deepening the social roots of laws, links ...
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PurposeChanging from "People" to "society" requires a unity of interests and a nation that connects the building blocks of the Iranian people. The present paper concerns the relationship between social changes and public law. The sociological approach to law by deepening the social roots of laws, links "theories" to "facts". Therefore, this article can be classified under interdisciplinary studies of law and sociology. This study goes beyond the traditional classification of public law in the areas of constitutional law, administrative law, financial law, and labor law and can be categorized under the field of socio-legal Studies.The purpose of the paper is to show how the sociology of law affects the theory of state, as a multidisciplinary field of study.Design, Methodology, and ApproachThis article is a library-oriented study in terms of the method of data collection, and descriptive-explanatory-prescriptive in terms of research method.The method of data collection in this research is library research, and the data obtained has been studied through descriptive and explanatory methods with an interdisciplinary approach. Interdisciplinary studies are currently a hot topic in legal academia and we must differentiate between the four types in which the sociological approach to law has been classified as disciplinary, interdisciplinary, multidisciplinary, and Transdisciplinary studies. In the author’s view, public law and sociology are strongly interconnected but we can speak about the possibility of the sociology of law being multidisciplinary. In our paper, we illustrate that different methods can be used in the research of law and legal concepts, and how the methodology of controversial issues and debates in sociology is relevant to the study of law.Therefore, the article can be classified under interdisciplinary studies of law and communication.FindingsBased on the results of this article, the most important characteristic of a co-benefit society for citizens is that a sense of belonging and membership in the society is created and the main legal advantage of a government overseeing it is in its capacity and ability to solve problems. we must first appreciate that law does not generally influence individual behavior in a vacuum, devoid of social context. Instead, how people interact with the law is usually shown in their social life. Evidence from different studies demonstrates that, if we insist on the systematic imposition of values in a diverse society, we create dualities, numerous conflicts, and contradictions, and we will produce many social problems. Consequently, we will send a message to society which indicates the incompetence and inefficiency of the government. In fact, the value of the government is in its ability to efficiently manage conflicts that result from contrasting moral plans.The understanding of the state and theories of state should be firmly grounded in their social context. The state, being an artificial construct, has emerged from a complex interplay of diverse attitudes, beliefs, and values held by individuals. By recognizing the state as a product of human society, we can unveil a profound connection between its "man-made nature" and the underlying "theory of state."Against this background, in this article, I will try to use a socio-legal approach to explain “Pluralistic Society” as the social context of the formation of the democratic state. The use of the sociology of law is because it describes social changes and explains relationships with legal structures, norms, and mechanisms in the search of achieving utopia.this study finds that changes in social values and attitudes inevitably lead to irreversible plurality which is just the situation in the Contemporary Iran. Iran is so diverse in different aspects, meaning that, it has a society that gives different answers to similar questions. The desirable reaction to this cultural diversity should be tolerance and respect for different values because the changes in “citizens' beliefs” form sociocultural forces that shape democracy. Just as many social evolutions in Iran after the Islamic Revolution have arisen from changes in the social forces shaped by the public opinion. Therefore, as long as social changes gravitate toward diversity, we can hope that the best is yet to come.Originality and ValueThis article has reviewed some of the empirical and theoretical research on social norms and law and is one of the first attempts to address the role of social change in the formation of law in contemporary Iran. it has tried to provide a basic understanding as it examines the interplay between social norms and the enforcement of laws.
Public Law
Mohammad Jalali; Mehrdad Aghaei
Abstract
Linguistic minorities often have their own unique lifestyle, culture, and traditions, and they have distinct demands based on their culture. In short, this demand pertains to their right to use their mother tongue, which is different from the right of each member of these groups to use their mother tongue ...
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Linguistic minorities often have their own unique lifestyle, culture, and traditions, and they have distinct demands based on their culture. In short, this demand pertains to their right to use their mother tongue, which is different from the right of each member of these groups to use their mother tongue individually. They demand the right to use their mother tongue collectively and as a third-generation right. However, sometimes the demand for this right conflicts with national security and territorial unity. Some governments, based on their approach to the issue of rights, the conflict between them and the public interest and their own security policies limit the right to the mother tongue and take a confrontational and restrictive stance on both the general right and the specific right to the mother tongue, in consideration of the issue of territorial unity. This study aims to explore and explain the theoretical framework of this conflict and its reasons, and to provide strategies for solving this problem by describing and expanding on various theoretical discourses related to the subject. Another goal of this study is to explore some of the concepts involved in this subject and to examine an appropriate theoretical approach to related concepts, which also aids to answer the main research problem. As research backgrounds, reference can be made to the book "Language Rights and Political Theory" by Will Kymlicka, published by Oxford University Press in 2007, and the book "National Security, Human Rights, Political Legitimacy in Fragile Democracies: An Introduction to the Foundations of National Security Law" by Mehdi Rezaei, published by Khorsandi Publishing in 2018.The main purpose of this research is to explain the relationship between the right of linguistic minorities to use their mother tongue and national security and territorial unity? Within this framework, the present study, while reviewing and analyzing all the concepts involved in the subject, by adopting a reductionist approach towards the rights of minority groups and emphasizing the individual nature of rights, and with attention to the requirements of positive discrimination in insuring group rights, explains and defends the rights of minority groups to the mother tongue and the necessity of ensuring those rights. It also examines and analyzes the relationship between the right to the mother tongue and national security, and territorial unity. It shows that the closer a state's security discourse is to a negative and commodity-based interpretation, the more threatened national security and territorial unity will be, and the more it will be in conflict with the right to the mother tongue. The choice of a political-legal system to adopt a security theoretical manifest has a direct impact on the definition and boundaries of national security in that country, and the degree of its democracy and human rights also has a complete impact on the model and approach of its security discourse. Non-democratic and non-human rights systems that adopt traditional discourse in national security not only refuse to tolerate any objections and opposition by the people but also, based on various security pretexts and through "securitization", initiate suppression and threatening of public freedoms and citizens' rights. However, the modern discourse, with a focus on the citizens' demands, internal vulnerabilities, and socio-economic issues, and with regard to pluralism, democracy, and human rights, seeks security through creating national convergence and synergy. The postmodern discourse, on another hand, looks at national security with a focus on global security centered on human beings and from the perspective of fundamental human rights, culture, and cultural issues. Therefore, the two modern and postmodern discourses not only recognize the right to the mother tongue, but also guarantee it and consider guaranteeing it as a booster of national security. Regarding the right to the mother tongue, political regimes with a traditional security approach see this right and its enforcement in conflict with national security, and thus restrict the freedom of linguistic minorities. Non-democratic and non-human rights regimes, with a security-oriented approach, always label linguistic minorities as secessionist forces and with various titles, including labeling them as threats to national security and unity, and territorial unity, and they restrict the freedom to use their mother tongue. It seems that the democratic or non-democratic and human rights or non-human rights nature of a political system determines which security approach and discourse that system has, and it is this discourse that shapes the government's position on the basic freedoms and rights of the people and following that, the path of that political system will become apparent. In the face of the duality of “the existence of linguistic diversity and minorities increases threats and insecurity”, or conversely, “confronting the linguistic freedoms of minorities leads to their dissatisfaction and desire for secession", the proposition of the authors is the second approach; especially since governments that seek security only outside their borders with a traditional security perspective, naturally overlook internal security threats or even consider their source as foreign, and over time, people’s dissatisfaction with the deprivation of their fundamental freedoms such as linguistic freedom will only be one of the problems and dissatisfactions, and economic and social problems will also prevail. at that time, the centrifugal forces due to injustice, economic deprivation, and restrictions on fundamental freedoms will become more apparent. Therefore, in a general proposition, the less democratic a government is and the less commitment it has to human rights, the more traditional and outward-looking its security policies and approaches will become. It will also restrict domestic rights and freedoms, resulting in an increase in centrifugal forces and threats to national security and territorial unity. Regarding linguistic minorities Specifically, the more the governments disregard democracy and human rights, the more probable that they view national security negatively so as to consider threats only from external or foreign roots. By closing these outlets and making the phenomenon of linguistic diversity and minority mother tongues a security issue, they threaten the freedom of using the mother tongue in many aspects. On the other hand, focusing on militarization to gain security at exorbitant costs, neglecting human rights and freedoms, and the absence of a monitoring and desirable balance system for a democratic system will lead to a "crisis of efficiency" and a "crisis of legitimacy" of that political system, which will result in deep economic and social crises and dissatisfaction, especially among minorities. This economic pressure, coupled with severe repression of the freedom to use the mother tongue, will plant the seed of anomie and subsequently, the revival of separatist movements and threats to national security. Thus, the unity of the land and territorial unity will be compromised.
Public Law
omid shirzad
Abstract
Relations between state and ethics or religion is one of the important subjects in political philosophy and public law and there are several approaches about it. In this meantime, Professor Naser Katouzian refers to three kind of Relations between state and ethics or religion and points out the theory ...
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Relations between state and ethics or religion is one of the important subjects in political philosophy and public law and there are several approaches about it. In this meantime, Professor Naser Katouzian refers to three kind of Relations between state and ethics or religion and points out the theory of stipulated state to ethics, state that is beside of ethics or religion and the governor state on ethics or religion. This paper has considered the doctrine of professor and with utilization from other sources in public and constitutional law, has completed this issue .The author has considered the concepts of perfectionist and neutral state as related concepts to stipulated state to ethics, state that is beside of ethics or religion and with conceptual analysis about them, has remarked the necessity of obstruction the line from perfectionism to despotism.Naser Katouzian is undoubtedly one of the most influential figures of Iranian law in the contemporary era. An unforgettable and moral teacher whose works and school of thought every professor and student of law in Iran is indebted to and rereading his doctrine can be considered a solution to most legal problems of the society. Despite the professor's specialized entry into private and civil law and dedicating the major part of his works to this field, his concern about the relationship between the state and the nation and public law had him write in this important field and take part in preparing the draft of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and setting up the foundations of Iran’s political-legal system.In this article, the author has turned to one of the important views of Professor Naser Katouzian regarding the relationship between the government, ethics, and religion and tries to evaluate the professor's doctrine in this field as much as possible. Reexamining this point of view was not only necessary at the beginning of the Islamic revolution, but also nowadays. It can be very effective in explaining the foundations of the Islamic Republic of Iran's constitution and governing political system. Therefore, the main Point of this research is the relationship between state, ethics, and religion in the thinking of Professor Naser Katouzian and formats and forms in which this relationship will appear.In analyzing the relationship between the state, ethics, and religion and in a basic classification, Katouzian points to the state that is bounded to ethics and religion, the state that is beside ethics and religion and is neutral, and the state that rules on ethics and religion. The professor considered religious governments, such as Islamic or Christian governments, as examples of the states that are bounded to a certain religion and considers the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and some of its fundamental principles, such as Article IV, as the pledge that has bounded the state to a certain religion and ethics.In the second category, he refers to the governments that are beside ethics and religion and are neutral. In these states, the government is separated from any common philosophical and religious beliefs among the people and ethics, and religion has a personal and private feature next to the government and is ineffective in policymaking and legislation.In the third category, professor Katouzian points to the states that rule on ethics and religion in which the government takes an authoritarian approach. The government has the authority to validate and create rights, good, and even morality and it is under the government’s will that the moral progress and evolution of citizens is pursued.This paper considers the doctrine of Professor Katouzian and by looking at other sources in public and constitutional law, has developed this issue. The author has considered the concepts of perfectionist and neutral states as related concepts to states that are bound to ethics and states that are beside ethics or religion and by conceptual analysis of them has remarked the necessity of preventing the progression of perfectionism to despotism. Professor Katouzian's concern about the pure sovereignty of the government over the right and good is commendable in the author’s view. This research intends to talk about the limitations and restraints of the government's power and its lack of sovereignty over the rights and morals with reference to the professor's doctrine.Professor Katouzian criticizes authoritarian governments that rule on ethics and religion and in practice, examples of these outlooks in government such as Nazism and fascism have left bitter experiences for humanity and history. consequently, the author expresses his concern about the transition from perfectionism to authoritarianism and considers understanding the basis of modern public law as the mechanism to prevent this transition.Therefore, the legal system in a government that is bounded to ethics and religion must recognize and guarantee the values of the public such as the rule of law, separation of powers, accountability, supervision and balance, transparency, fundamental rights and freedoms for the citizens, etc. In this way, It will help to spread morality in the society. we propose that the achievement of a virtuous society is directly linked with good governance, correct management of public resources and their optimal allocation to public needs, and efficient management of conflict of interests among members of the political society. These will give the citizens the opportunity to live a dignified life and the opportunity to think about moral virtues and the meaning of life and will reduce immorality and vices in society.
Public Law
Hosein Poshtdar; Zeinolabedin Taghavi Fardod; Maryam Taghavi Fardod; Mohammad Taghavi Fardod
Abstract
The phrase “rule of law” is made up of two legal words, rule and law. Regardless of the broad meaning of both words in the legal literature -with each of them having a long history in the science of law- perhaps agreeably, it can be considered as the subordination of all political institutions ...
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The phrase “rule of law” is made up of two legal words, rule and law. Regardless of the broad meaning of both words in the legal literature -with each of them having a long history in the science of law- perhaps agreeably, it can be considered as the subordination of all political institutions to the law in order to regulate the relations between citizens and the government. The root of the rule of law can be found in the theoretical foundations of Western thinkers, in concepts such as power is corrupt. This is why, to achieve a good governance system in Western political philosophy and prevent chaos and establish public order and security, and establish the balance between the conflicting interests of social life through the exercise of governance, the idea of the rule of law has been proposed. It functions as a means to regulate the power of the rulers, negate the tyranny and arbitrariness of the rulers, and also to provide the requirements for the administration of public affairs.This particular interpretation of the concept of power and leadership was proposed in Germany and then in France during the Renaissance. It is the product of legalism and fundamentalism thinking and has three concepts of order; negation of autocracy, libertarianism which are crystallized in the external activities of the government (legislation) and its internal activities (organizational structure of the government).The political school of Shia jurisprudence presents the idea of monotheistic government based on divine law, and does not accept the secularization of government like it is in the age of modernity, and not only it does not consider the nature of power as corrupt, but accepts it as an excellent and admirable basis. Therefore, the nature of power in monotheistic thought is not corrupt, and it is its application and way of usage that turns it into a divine rule or tyrannical rule. On this basis and to establish the divine sovereignty of the Holy Sharia in the Age of Absence, Infallible Imam appoints the jurist Jame al-Sharia as his successor in all affairs of the administration of the Islamic Society.The essence of the idea behind the rule of law, which is the controlling of rulers and regulating the means of exercising government power over citizens, has been formed and evolved mainly based on liberalism and humanism in a country's political system. The liberal view of the rule of law has been formed in two ways: the first concept of the rule of law, which has a right-oriented nature, especially focusing on the right of expression, was formed in contrast with authoritarian rulers and its purpose is to limit the power of the government and protect the rights of individuals.. Another concept of the rule of law is a form that, through the law, emphasizes that the actions and decisions of government officials be rational concerning the citizens.After understanding the rule of law, it is possible to differentiate the formal (organization-oriented) and substantive (right-oriented) rule of law from each other, and by combining the two mentioned dimensions of the rule of law, a more complete model has been achieved in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran.However, According to the political jurisprudence of Shia and consequently, in its complete model, i.e., the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, simply examining the idea of the rule of law in each of these forms will lead to incorrect results, In order to achieve this goal, according to the foundations and principles of each political system, the position of the rule of law should be determined as an unchangeable principle or a criterion for guaranteeing other principles.From this point of view, there are fundamental differences between the principles of the rule of law in liberalism and the political system of Shia jurisprudence:1-The concept of lawIn the political system of authentic Shia jurisprudence, the concept of law has also been explained under the concept of monotheism, in such a way that law is an intrinsic matter that is rooted in the origin of the Shia political Jurisprudence. However, the law in the Western political system, are empirical laws that are established under secularism and are based solely on the consensus and opinion of the majority.2- Rule of law modelThe political system of liberalism distinguishes between two concepts of the rule of law: formal rule of law (organization-oriented) and substantive rule of law (right-oriented).The implemented model of the rule of law in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is obtained from the combination and synergy of the two mentioned models and is a more complete model.The Islamic legal system is established by the original belief and the basic political system of Shia jurisprudence in obedience to all individuals, even the leadership of the Muslim community. On the other hand, the essence of power is not corrupt in monotheistic thought but how it is applied can turn into either a divine government or a tyranny. The Unique legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran has a diagnostic and monitoring mechanism that fully complies with the rule of law. This paper discusses the theoretical approaches to the concept and the formal and substantive aspects of the Rule of law in the common law vs. the Islamic Republic of Iran.
